On March 8, 2018, U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson landed his jet at Bole Airport in Addis Ababa and hopped right on the Ethiopia Freedom Train.

At his press conference, Secretary Tillerson said for the problems faced by Ethiopians, “the answer is greater freedom for people, not less.”

Secretary Tillerson devoted a good portion of his press conference hammering the theme of “more freedom” as the way out of the current crises and as a precondition for democracy, good governance, societal harmony and prosperity in Ethiopia.

At least six times during his press conference, Secretary Tillerson underscored the importance of freedom, democracy and human rights.

He declared unambiguously, “We do firmly believe the answer is greater freedom for people, not less.”

He expressed his full support for efforts and actions leading to greater expressive freedoms in Ethiopia. “We welcome the proactive steps that have already been taken with the release of thousands of prisoners, including journalists and political leaders, and we encourage additional concrete measures to allow greater political freedom of expression.”

He proclaimed there can be no real democracy without freedom. “We believe ultimately giving people greater freedom gives them a greater investment in this democracy as well.”

He resolutely opposed the so-called state of emergency as inherently antithetical to freedom and “expressed [America’s] concerns with the [TPLF] government’s decision to impose another state of emergency, because it does put restrictions on fundamental rights like assembly and expression.”

He shared his vision of a free and prosperous Ethiopia. “We firmly believe that democratic reform, economic growth, and lasting stability are best addressed through an inclusive political process, rather than through the imposition of restrictions.

He pledged his commitment to advance freedom and democracy in Ethiopia. “The United States is a long-term friend and partner of Ethiopia. We look forward to working with you as the people of Ethiopia seek greater peace, democracy and prosperity.”

Of course, U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia Michael Raynor got aboard the Ethiopian Freedom Train months before his jet even landed at Bole Airport on September 29, 2017.

Since his arrival in Ethiopia, he has been preaching a  message of love, hope, solidarity and faith to the Ethiopian people as they  struggle for freedom and democracy. He unhesitatingly  proclaimed, “The United States will stay the course in Ethiopia, and I hope I can count on each of you [Ethiopians] to do the same.”

It is said that “a friend in need is a friend indeed.” Here is Ambassador Raynor standing with the Ethiopian people when they are literally facing gunfire and desperately needing a friend.

Ambassador Raynor’s “stay the course” diplomatic message has special meaning for me.

I believe his message to be this: “People of Ethiopia, America is with you all the way in your peaceful struggle for change exercising your constitutional and human rights. Don’t lose heart because peaceful struggle is not easy and takes time. Finish the peaceful struggle you have started and America will be right there with you at the finish line.”

That is what “staying the course” means to me.

On February 17, 2018, Ambassador Raynor put his money where his mouth is when he issued an extraordinary statement and condemned the state of emergency declared by the regime of the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF).

Let there be no mistake.

Secretary Tillerson and Ambassador Raynor are on the same page and speak the same language when it comes to the solution for Ethiopia’s problems and the urgency of now to terminate the so-called state of emergency!

On February 17, 2018, Ambassador Raynor in his statement said:

…We recognize and share concerns expressed by the government about incidents of violence and loss of life, but firmly believe that the answer is greater freedom, not less…

…We strongly disagree with the Ethiopian government’s decision to impose a state of emergency that includes restrictions on fundamental rights such as assembly and expression…

…Restrictions on the ability of the Ethiopian people to express themselves peacefully sends a message that they are not being heard…

…The challenges facing Ethiopia, whether to democratic reform, economic growth, or lasting stability, are best addressed through inclusive discourse and political processes, rather than through the imposition of restrictions…

On March 8, 2018, Secretary Tillerson at his press conference said:

We recognize and share concerns expressed by the government about incidents of violence and loss of life. We do firmly believe the answer is greater freedom for people, not less..

…It is important that that the country move on past the state of emergency as quickly as possible. We hope that that can occur…

…We encourage additional concrete measures to allow greater political freedom of expression…

..We firmly believe that democratic reform, economic growth, and lasting stability are best addressed through an inclusive political process, rather than through the imposition of restrictions…

I am elated that Secretary Tillerson and Ambassador Raynor should take such a bold stand on freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia, but I am not surprised.

As I have remarked in previous commentaries, I believe Secretary Tillerson and Ambassador Raynor are honorable men who say what they mean and mean what they say.

The days of the forked tongue diplomats who talk the talk of “standing on the right side of history” while sleeping with those on the wrong side of history, thankfully, are long gone.

When the “little group of hysterical nabobs of negativism who live and work in the geographical and intellectual confines of Washington, D.C., and New York City” set out on a mission to condemn and discredit Secretary Tillerson as the “destroyer” of the State Department and portrayed him as the villain who said “good bye to human rights diplomacy”, I defended him because I believe him to be an honorable man who will stand for what is right and for core American values.

When push came to shove and his own job was on the line, Secretary Tillerson did not back down. He stood his ground come hell or high water. “We express America’s values from the State Department. We represent the American people. We represent America’s values, our commitment to freedom, our commitment to equal treatment to people the world over. And that message has never changed.”

On March 8, 2018, Secretary Tillerson expressed and pressed America’s values of freedom,  democracy and equality in Ethiopia. He said the State Department represents America’s commitment to freedom and marvelously did so in Addis Ababa. His message on American commitment to freedom did not change when he spoke in Addis Ababa. That is is why I am not surprised!

There was a time when America’s professed commitment to freedom was nothing but a joke and an insult to the intelligence of 100 million Ethiopians.

At a press conference in Addis Ababa in July 2015, Barack Obama spit on the faces of 100 million Ethiopians by telling them the TPLF regime, which claimed to have won 100 percent of the seats in parliament barely two month before Obama’s visit,  was “democratically elected”.

The truly sad, sad thing is that Obama and his close advisors, including Susan Rice and Gayle Smith, believed anyone or group opposing their TPLF buddies are terrorists, terrorist sympathizers or terrorists-in-training of one kind or another working with evil outside forces.

Obama’s solution to the problems of Ethiopia was NOT greater freedom.

Obama’s solution was intelligence cooperation and harder crackdown on those opposing the TPLF regime.

Obama said:

I know that there are certain groups that have been active in Ethiopia that, from the Ethiopian government’s perspective, pose a significant threat. Our intelligence indicates that while they may oppose the government, they have not tipped into terrorism…  But what I indicated to the Prime Minister is, is that in our consultations and deepening intelligence cooperation, we will look and see what evidence we have, where there are real problems, and where we see genuine terrorist activity. That’s something that we are going to want to cooperate with and stop.

… Our policy is that we oppose terrorism wherever it may occur. And we are opposed to any group that is promoting the violent overthrow of a government, including the government of Ethiopia, that has been democratically elected.

Obama was like the proverbial man with a hammer for whom everything looked like a nail. He had the uncanny ability to see “terrorists” everywhere in Ethiopia. Of course, Obama never met an African dictator he did not like!

The fascinating thing is that where Obama saw “terrorists” lurking behind every rock in Ethiopia threatening the TPLF regime, Tillerson saw ordinary people, young people, trying to peacefully exercise their constitutional and human rights to petition for redress of grievances and be heard.

Where Obama saw “terrorists” lurking behind every rock in Ethiopia, Tillerson saw peaceful freedom fighters fighting for their dignity, humanity, unity and Ethiopianity.

At his March 8, 2018 press conference Secretary Tillerson did not mention “terrorism” a single time.

Not once!!!

Secretary Tillerson was not buying the TPLF’s “terrorism” narrative. That is an old scam the TPLF ran for 8 years successfully wrapping American policy makers around their little finger. Every time the TPLF bosses cried wolf and shouted fire about terrorism,  American policy makers broke into cold sweat ready to please the TPLF bosses.

It was amazing to watch for 8 years the tail wagging the dog. Using the “terrorism” boogeyman, the TPLF scared the hell out of the Obama and George Bush administrations.

Secretary Tillerson went to Ethiopia carrying a message of hope, peace, freedom and democracy. That is because he knew beyond a shadow of doubt who the terrorists are in Ethiopia.

Is is not a fact that the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front is listed as a terrorist organization by the Global Terrorism Database with recorded acts of terrorism committed as recent as 8/26/2016?

I could only imagine the difficulty of talking terrorism with terrorists.

The principal focus of Secretary Tillerson’s message at his press conference was freedom, democracy, peaceful change and extreme restraint in the use of violence by the TPLF regime and encouragement to Ethiopian citizens to keep on keeping on with their peaceful exercise of their constitutional and human rights in their struggle for freedom:

…We recognize and share concerns expressed by the government about incidents of violence and loss of life. We do firmly believe the answer is greater freedom for people, not less…

…We discussed… the importance of ensuring that security forces remain disciplined in maintaining law and order…

…Democracy is not easy. It takes a lot of work. But staying with it, lasting change will come about, and to not resort to violence. Violence is simply never a solution…

…The citizens of Ethiopia have a responsibility as well to behave in a nonviolent way, and we hope the government allows that nonviolent expression to take place…

…We are here to support Ethiopia’s journey towards a democratic society and institutions…

What Secretary Tillerson and Ambassador Raynor are saying in Ethiopia today is what I have been saying every week, sometimes multiple times a week, for the past twelve years, without missing a single week.

I wholeheartedly agree with Secretary Tillerson’s and Ambassador Raynor’s message of peaceful change and opening up of the political space so Ethiopian citizens could exercise their constitutional and human rights.

Indeed, before Official Day 1 of my involvement in the Ethiopian human rights struggle on July 3, 2006, I wrote a three-part commentary on civil disobedience and nonviolence and its relevance in the struggle for freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia.

I undertook that effort after the Tegbar League Addis Ababa Leadership Committee issued a statement in March 2006, exactly 12 years this month, indicating that it “will organize nonviolent actions such as blocking major roads, work slowdowns, boycott of schools, and boycott of products that are produced or sold by EPRDF-affiliated companies.”

I have remained true and fiercely advocated the cause of peaceful change in Ethiopia.

The TPLF’s characterization of the Tillerson visit and meeting  

At the March 8 press conference, TPLF foreign minister Workneh Gebeyehu said:

We discussed about our regional issues – the regional security, international issues, international politics – at the same time, how to boost our economic ties and investment between the United States of America and Ethiopia.

Geneyehu made no reference whatsoever to the various issues raised and emphasized by Secretary Tillerson during the press conference including his exhortation for a quick end to the state of emergency, his emphasis on greater freedom, not less and clear warning on the restraint in the use of violence by the TPLF.

Gebeyehu only vaguely referred to having discussed “the country’s situation [and] the transition that we are in the process”.

Gebeyehu thought if he glossed over it no one will notice and they can later crank up their disinformation machine and put out misleading and confusing information about their private meeting with Secretary Tillerson.

Those TPLF guys are too clever by half.

Recently, the TPLF bosses actually tried to generate disinformation following Ambassador Raynor’s statement expressing “strong disagreement” on the state of emergency.

According to TPLF disinformation, when Ambassador Raynor privately met with TPLF officials, he apologetically assured them that he “did not mean to cause any harm [with his official statement of strong disagreement] and [that] he will commit to closely work with the government in the future.”

The U.S. Embassy categorically dismissed the infantile TPLF disinformation.

But I would not be surprised if the TPLF bosses try to pull a similar disinformation campaign about their meeting with Secretary Tillerson. We shall remain vigilant!

Secretary Tillerson is known for his blunt speech even to the big powers of the world.

I have only one question for Gebeyehu: Did Secretary Tillerson read the riot act to the TPLF in the private meeting?  Tell you like it is. Like it’s gonna be.

Did y’all get a taste of that blunt speech about your indiscriminate violence and crackdowns and state of emergency in your private meeting?

I bet my bottom dollar you did. Ha, ha, ha…

My ruminations on U.S. policy in Ethiopia  

I do not know the contents of the private discussions of Sec. Tillerson and Amb. Raynor with the TPLF bosses. But careful analysis of public statements made and left out by omission could yield a treasure trove of valuable information about what could have likely occurred.

However, my suspicion is that the TPLF bosses were unsuccessful in hoodwinking and bamboozling Secretary Tillerson or arm-twisting him to do their bidding by threatening to refuse counterterrorism cooperation.

The TPLF bosses are very good at extortion and blackmail.

In October 2017, the TPLF bosses “threatened retaliation against the United States should [H.R. 128]  be passed”  and actually prevented floor vote on that resolution. They turned around and hired fat cat Washington lobbyist for nearly $USD 2 million to scuttle the resolution and ply their old trade peddling influence in the White House and the State Department. (Incredibly, at the time the TPLF was lavishing millions of dollars on fat cat Washington lobbyists, 5.6 million Ethiopians were starving. To add insult to injury, at the same time, the TPLF was panhandling the U.S. for $948 million handout.)

The extortion/blackmail scheme of the TPLF will simply not work on Secretary Tillerson. He just is not the type of guy the TPLF can con easily.

My impression, based on some research, is that Secretary Tillerson has dealt with some of the most corrupt con men and thugs in power on the African continent as head of ExxonMobil, which is one of the largest oil producers in Africa with holdings in Nigeria, Equatorial Guinea, Angola, Cameroon, Chad and the Republic of Congo. These countries are under the thumbs of some of the most corrupt and ruthless regimes in Africa.

ExxonMobil has tens of billions tied up in oil and gas development projects in Africa. I would imagine Secretary Tillerson is not only thoroughly familiar with the shenanigans of corrupt African regimes and leaders but also had to deal with them (holding his nose, I am sure) as ExxonMobil’s head. I believe he has substantial experience dealing and negotiating with African thug regimes with diplomatic skills to rival, if not exceed, any of Obama’s Secretaries of State. He knows what makes African thug regimes tick and where their pressure points are.

The TPLF scammed the Obama administration by talking about “terrorism”, al-Shabaab, regional instability and trotting out all sorts of boogeymen. Obama lavished praise on the TPLF regime calling it  “an outstanding partner in fighting terrorism”.

I believe I have proved beyond a reasonable doubt that the U.S. does not need the TPLF in its war on terror in the Horn of Africa. No one has challenged me on that argument.

But I never underestimate the TPLF con men. They are the most cunning con men I have had the displeasure to study over the years.

During the Obama administration, the TPLF con men literally ran U.S. policy in Ethiopia from inside the State Department and National Security Agency through their long time buddies including Susan Rice and Gayle Smith, Obama’s last Administrator of USAID and a former employee of the TPLF.

I have to say it again. I just don’t believe they can con the Trump administration as they did Obama’s.

Indeed, whatever may be said of Secretary Tillerson, I give him full credit for disrupting the cozy sweetheart relationships created and maintained over decades by elites of both parties in conducting U.S. foreign policy, particularly in Africa.

Truth be told, it was not much of a foreign policy system in Africa that was happening. It was a buddy system where elites in the State Department would hook up with mostly corrupt elites in Africa and do things that are mutually beneficial. Until Secretary Tillerson took the helm at the State Department, the policy was “Don’t ask, don’t tell”. The U.S. will not ask what African dictators did with U.S. aid and African dictators don’t have to tell what they did with it. In the process, U.S. taxpayers got the shaft in Africa, to use a pun.

That is why I was hopping with joy when Trump’s transition team held the feet of the State Department elites to the fire and asked the one all-important question I had been asking for 12 years: “With so much corruption in Africa, how much of our funding is stolen?”

There has been NO tentative or definitive answer to that question.

The Obama administration NEVER asked such a question!

Of course, the “nattering nabobs of negativism” moan and groan about “America First” foreign policy, which aims to protect the American taxpayer, not because it is demonstrably and inherently bad or harmful to the U.S. or other countries, but singularly because “American First” policy upset their apple carts, cut them off at the trough, took away their sinecure jobs like “special envoys”, eliminated fancy titles and declared, “NO MORE BUSINESS AS USUAL” in American foreign policy.

When Secretary Tillerson overturned and dumped the apple cart and sent many of them packing with a sharp kick in the rear end and tossed them off the gravy train, they cried out, “bloody murder”.

When they could not stop him, they started talking trash about him.

That is why I defended and supported Tillerson’s housecleaning at the State Department.

He wants to end the culture of corruption, cronyism and nepotism in the State Department. It is the culture of corruption that quintessentially defines the State Department elites’ relationship with African dictators. USAID has been the lifeline of African dictators for decades.

That is why I fiercely opposed Obama’s nomination of Gayle Smith to become the Administrator of USAID in May 2015 and demanded (and obtained) responses from Smith in April 2016 to my questions about her demonstrably false claims about famine in Ethiopia.

For decades, top brass in the State Department turned a blind eye to the daylight robbery of American tax dollars in Africa.

That is why the Trump transition team’s question, “With so much corruption in Africa, how much of our funding is stolen?”resonates with me so deeply.

What a shame for an incoming President of the United States to ask such a question of  the first executive department of the United Stated Government established in 1789!

The “nattering nabobs of negativism” complain today “at Tillerson’s State Department seven of nine top jobs are empty”. They make it sound like Secretary Tillerson is intentionally withholding referrals for appointments because he (un)wittingly wants to harm U.S. foreign policy.

Is it possible that Secretary Tillerson needs to drain the swamp of the culture of corruption at the State Department before he can reclaim the watershed?

Indeed, overall Trump has picked fewer nominees than his predecessors. According to the  Partnership for Public Service, the first six months of their respective administrations, Trump has named 206 nominees, while Obama had named 355, George W. Bush had named 313, Clinton had named 267 and George H.W. Bush had named 243.”

At the State Department, as of December 31, 2017, Trump had 61 nominees confirmed with 18 pending. For comparable period, Obama had 119 confirmed and 18 pending. Bush II had 139 confirmed and 14 pending.

I wonder if the numerical difference in speedy appointments could be explained by factors of cronyism, patronage and nepotism.

The “Tillerson Disruption” of business as usual at the State Department has turned the tables on the TPLF.

They can no longer pull off their scams.

GAME OVER at the U.S. State Department for the TPLF!

We must carry on with the heavy lifting, with a little help from our friends

American support for the Ethiopian people’s peaceful struggle for freedom is vital and decisive.

But in the final analysis it is entirely up to the people of Ethiopia to do all of the heavy lifting to get their freedom.

The history of the struggle for freedom teaches a singular lesson, a lesson learned well by many of the greatest freedom fighters in the world. “We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed,” declared Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

Ethiopains must keep on demanding their freedom using the most powerful weapon known to mankind: Peaceful Resistance.

Dr. King’s predecessor and anti-slavery statesman Frederick Douglass understood the  oppressed must do all of the heavy lifting to get their freedom. He knew there could be “no progress without struggle” and “the limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress”

The endurance of the Ethiopian people suffering under T-TPLF ethnic apartheid rule has completely vanished. Today, they are on the move, agitating and mobilizing for peaceful nonviolent change.

But I am afraid the people of Ethiopia are condemned to carry a double burden, pull double duty.

They are condemned not only to free themselves but also their oppressors.

Their historic destiny has been prophesied by Paulo Freire in his “Pedagogy of the Oppressed” (p. 44):

This, then, is the great humanistic and historical task of the oppressed: to liberate themselves and their oppressors as well. The oppressors, who oppress, exploit, and rape by virtue of their power, cannot find in this power the strength to liberate either the oppressed or themselves.

This is the burden — liberating themselves and their oppressors — the people of Ethiopia must accept as a blessing on their long walk to freedom.

So, let us join hands — friends, enemies and frenemies — and ride the Ethiopia Freedom Train in the Motherland, Freedomland!

All Aboard the Ethiopia Freedom Train!

Choo! Choo! Make way for the Ethiopia Freedom Train.

Don’t be left behind. Get aboard the Ethiopia Freedom Train.

Choo! Choo!

ETHIOPIAWINET TODAY.

ETHIOPIAWINET TOMORROW.

ETHIOPIAWINET FOREVER!

Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino. His teaching areas include American constitutional law, civil rights law, judicial process, American and California state governments, and African politics. He has published two volumes on American constitutional law, including American Constitutional Law: Structures and Process (1994) and American Constitutional Law: Civil Liberties and Civil Rights (1998). He is the Senior Editor of the International Journal of Ethiopian Studies, a leading scholarly journal on Ethiopia. For the last several years, Prof. Mariam has written weekly web commentaries on Ethiopian human rights and African issues that are widely read online. He blogged on the Huffington post at  http://www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/ and later on open.salon until that blogsite shut down in March 2015.

Prof. Mariam played a central advocacy role in the passage of H.R. 2003 (Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007)  in the U.S. House of Representatives in 2007. Prof. Mariam also practices in the areas of criminal defense and civil litigation. In 1998, he argued a major case in the California Supreme Court involving the right against self-incrimination in People v. Peevy, 17 Cal. 4th 1184, cert. denied, 525 U.S. 1042 (1998)  which helped clarify longstanding Miranda rights issues in California criminal procedure. For several years, Prof. Mariam had a weekly public channel public affairs television show in Southern California called “In the Public Interest”. Prof. Mariam received his Ph.D. from the University of Minnesota in 1984, and his J.D. from the University of Maryland in 1988.

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Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE)

Press Statement

11 March, 2018

Ethiopian military forces fired live ammunition into a crowd, injuring and killing civilians, on March 10, 2018 in Moyale, a town in Oromia region, Eastern Ethiopia. According to AHRE’s sources, at least 15 were killed and more than 12 injured.

The Command Post Secretariat, established to enforce the recently decreed state of emergency, confirmed that 9 were killed and 12 others wounded. Its statement claimed that 5 member of the army acted based on a ‘mistaken intelligence report’ while attempting to capture members of Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) who crossed the border from Kenya to the Ethiopian side.

There was no protest or irregular activity at the time of the killing, and eyewitnesses confirmed that most of the victims were shot while walking on the streets, at coffee shops or restaurants. They also reported that the shooting took place in different parts of the town. One of the victims, Temam Negeso, was a school principal in the city school. The head of the Oromia Regional government communication bureau, Mr Addisu Arega also confirmed the killings in Moyale in his Facebook post, and according to the Addis Standard[1], terrified residents of Moyale town fled into neighbouring Kenya.

AHRE recently reported that at least 12 civilians were shot and killed by military and security forces on 20 January 2018 in Weldia town, in Amhara Region, Northern Ethiopia.

“AHRE is extremely concerned by these repeated instances of killings and arbitrary attacks in the context of a renewed clampdown on fundamental rights and the declaration of a new state of emergency,” said Yared Hailemariam, Executive Director of AHRE. “Persistent lack of accountability is at the center of the crisis Ethiopia is going through and such attacks risk instigating and triggering more anti-government protests and civil unrest”. 

AHRE once again reiterates that the government should refrain from arbitrarily shooting civilians or protestors and respect fundamental human rights. AHRE urges the government:

• Explicitly respect, recognise, and promote constitutionally guaranteed rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly;
• Lift the ban on basic freedoms and fundamental rights that are enforced by the authorities and Command Post following the declaration of the state of emergency.
• Engage in a meaningful and inclusive national dialogue with civil society, regional governments, and local elders, to address grievances at the root of protest movements;

For further information:

Yared Hailemariam

Executive Director

executive@ahrethio.org, Mobile: +32 486 336 367,

www.ahrethio.org  , https://www.facebook.com/AHREthio.org/?fref=nf

[1] https://addisstandard.com/ethiopian-army-targets-civilians-in-moyale-killing-nine-wounding-above-a-dozen-martial-law-command-post-calls-it-a-mistake-residents-dispute/

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Martial law command post calls it a mistake, residents dispute

addisstandard 2018-03-11

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Coming from behind in the 38th kilometre, Meskerem Assefa of Ethiopia cruised to a one-minute victory at the Nagoya Marathon, an IAAF Gold Label road race, on Sunday (11).

Assefa passed Kenyan Valary Jemeli Aiyabei en route to victory in 2:21:45, the third fastest performance ever in Nagoya which this year underscored its status as the largest women’s-only marathon in the world, with 23,713 starting the race.

“I wanted to win, especially because it is a women only marathon,” Assefa said.

Aiyabei was second in 2:22:48 with Japanese debutante Hanami Sekine third in 2:23:07.

Along with Sekine, the next two finishers, Reia Iwade who clocked 2:26:28 and Keiko Nogami who finished with 2:26:33, qualified for Japan’s 2020 Olympic Marathon team trials race. Nogami improved her best by nearly two minutes from 2:28:18, while Iwade ran the second fastest marathon of her career. Hanae Tanaka, the fourth Japanese in the race and sixth overall, did not qualify for the trials race because she could not crack the required 2:27.

With the first season of qualification for the 2020 Olympic Marathon team trials race over, six women have qualified, still considerably less than the 13 who have qualified for the men’s race.

Read more at: IAAF.org

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March 10, 2018
Tesfaye Yigzaw

Heroes and heroines of Ethiopia are freed from terrorist prisons. Thanks to young and vibrant Ethiopians. After twenty seven years of contemptuous, time has come for TPLF’s downfall. What would be next?

While thousands are still in prison, hundreds were freed in the past few weeks. To begin with, they have not committed the slightest crime to have them sent to imprisonment. They are advocates of freedom, justice, democracy, and free and fair political systems, and religious autonomy. They would have been appreciated had there been a candid democratic government. The matter of the fact, Ethiopia has neither a true government nor a leader for twenty seven years. This seems a cumbersome statement but here are four reasons the Tigray People Libation Front’s inherent characteristic that defines it is unprincipled government:

1. Terrorism: individual, group or government deliberately employs violence against civilians creating fear and terror to achieve financial, political, and religious ambition.
2. Fascism: authoritarian, tribal, dictatorial regime eliminates its opponent by force to control economy and power.
3. Mafia: criminal organization that make money illegally by threatening others. Or an organized group of people that employ force to make money illegally and unfairly.
4. Eugenics: inhumanly control segment of population from breeding by method of sterilization. Nazi Germany used against Jewish. In the past 27 years, Tigray People Liberation Front employed against the Amhara population. The current director of WHO was a Health Minster in Ethiopia when such immoral conduct had taken place.

The above statement is just an overview to describe TPLF’s atrocities and criminal activity against the population. TPLF employed these schemes to control the people’s right. The declaration of State Emergency is part of the scheme to extend the life of TPLF to commit more genocide. The United Nations, in particular human rights watch has an obligation to bring Tigray People Liberation Front and its supporters including those living around the world to the court of justice on the basis of genocide. It is irresponsible to be quietly ignoring such high scale genocides committed by TPLF against the people of Ethiopia. Retrospectively, Rwanda’s genocide could have been stopped short, but the international community did not heed. Ethiopians are appealing to international community for several years but no attentiveness. TPLF’s terror scheme is not limited to only for democracy activists, the Waldiba monks, priests, and Muslim leaders’ imprisonments, and local tribes, and natives were exterminated from their lands. TPLF goes beyond its territory to silence its opponents by kidnaping; Andargachew Tsige still in captive is a good example.

For all these years, TPLF has never conducted itself what a government ought to be. Essentially, a leader has a defining character to satisfy a role of leadership; to mention few, he or she must first have a strong love of a country and able to unify its people. Additionally, a leader ought to be nationalistic, not entangled in trivial tribe activism. Above all, a leader strongly defends and preserves the interest of the country. These are absent under TPLF’s leadership. This attest, despite of Col. Mengistu’s cruelty, today people prefer him over TPLF. Most recently, however, thanks to Lemma Megersa and Abiy Ahmed’s group to raising high up once again a sprite of Ethiopia bent on to unify the people. They broke the backbone of TPLF’s indoctrinations including the ethnic politics.  Not only that, they dismantled ethnic political activism. There is a strong feeling among the population; Ethiopia has given birth to lions. The credit ought to be for young generation of Ethiopians once regarded by society as hopeless in comparison to previous generations. They are earth shaking young generation without limitation to only the “mountains”.

Having said these, the imprisoned freedom advocates have been through extreme, and painful physical tortures and mental anguishes, and lost their livings, families are dysfunctional, love ones are either dead or misplaced, they lost their jobs though they are freed from captives. They should be paid restitutions to reinstate their lives. Money to compensate the freed prisoners must come out of TPLF’s bank accounts. After all, TPLF has accrued wealth through corruptions, and illegal networking companies it has established inside and outside the country.

Now, where is the country heading? A choice is still remains on the hands of TPLF. For the best interest of its own people and a country, with no further delay, a transitional government must be stablished. TPLF must realize that to wish to reorganize for repositioning itself to govern Ethiopia is impossible. It is a dead end. People have demanded, they do not want to see TPLF. “Down! Down! TPLF!” the answer is simple, TPLF must exit, there is no other way around to stop the revolt.

Note that the ruling organization which called itself “EPRDF” is an aggregate of four ethnic groups, and it is not a political party, with the exception of Amhara (represented by Tigrayens) the rest three are represented by its corresponding ethnic representatives, though it is a fake aggregates that is fully controlled by TPLF.

What would be next? It is dismaying that no viable political parties yet to be formed in the country. One reason is that TPLF had made sure no political party to be stablished in the country. Secondly, individual political organization is fractured, unable to form unified political party. Though, there are some political organizations, they have no obvious blueprint how to formulate a political system to govern the country.

The lasting peace and prosperity would only be possible by establishing a formidable democratic government. All stakeholders must join forces to better the lives of every Ethiopian. The necessity of establishing transitional government is overdue, nevertheless, it maybe for a better to come. I believe civic organizations must lead a transitional government, with representatives from political groups with a mandate for one year to transfer power to a democratic elect party.

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By Abdisa Aga

The three years old pro-democracy protests have made OPDO a newly born reformist group within the ruling elite but a massive brutal crack down on the organization has got its future hanging in the balance.

The Oromo peoples democratic organization (OPDO) was created in the later stages of the civil war by captured troops of the then Ethiopia leader Mengistu Hailemariam to serve as a satellite organization for the upcoming TPLF rule. Their genesis was mainly in a response to the growing influence of the Oromo rebel group, OLF. By the time, in the late 80s and early 90s, the OLF was ideologically and militarily in a much better shape and it probably had some support from the failing Mengistu Hailemariam army. the OPDO became very critical to the survival of TPLF.  It gave them a nice cover to fight the OLF and get full control of Oromo populated lands.

As they were captured troops of Mengistu hailemariam, the OPDO  have always had Ethiopia in their hearts. Plus they were not radicalized by foreign education and fantasy. They also lived with peasant Amhara and Tigre fighters in North Ethiopia. So they were a perfect cover for TPLF. Even more, the propaganda by the some OLF-affiliated diaspora members and the TPLF made OLF a scary name for pro-Ethiopia Oromos and the rest of Ethiopianist elite. So for Oromia, OPDO were by far the choice of everybody.

While OLF leaders always used the word Wayyane ( TPLF) to refer to the regime, other opposition figures like Merera Gudina prefer the acronym EPRDF. This is a recognition to OPDO’s role in the regime. But practically the OPDO was TPLF’s wing in the name of Oromo. The deceased dictator Meles Zenawi used the existence of OPDO to attack the nationally organized opposition as “uniformist” and “expansionist” while OLF as a narrow nationalist and separatist.

It all worked. OPDO’s existence has helped TPLF control Oromo until the death of Meles Zenawi. Meles’s shrewd personality created the cult that kept the coalition EPRDF together. After his death, the TPLF had no man OPDO or the other satellite organizations would worship or  willingly open their mouth for long to listen to his speech. Even worse, three years of violent pro-democracy protests forced the TPLF itself to denounce its long time leader and crushed pro-meles factions within it.  The OPDO has now got the chance to elect its leaders without direct influence from TPLF.  These were really dramatic events in the party’s three decades old life.

Following the election of young charismatic leaders in Lema Megersa and Abiy Ahmed, the OPDO emerged as a reformist movement. It denounced TPLF’s ages old narrative of Ethiopia vs Oromo in which they successfully limited Oromo to minor regional affairs and kept it away from Ethiopian center politics.   That was like a stab from the back for TPLF when this narrative was thrown away. Some pro-TPLF elites were even forced to call for the dissolution of the EPRDF coalition.

The personal gestures of the new leaders were as sweet as honey for most people. They brought in people like Negaso Gidada, former head of nation who were doomed and persecuted by TPLF. their regional media started acting independently with successful campaigns. But Nothing like events at  pro-opposition rallies tell about the new born OPDO. Top regional officials were giving speeches at these massive peaceful rallies for freed politicians like Merera Gudina and Beqele gereba. The speeches were like ‘they arrested you and we freed you’.

Hailemariam Desalegn was forced to resign as prime minster in name. The vacant position was widely assumed to be filled by an OPDO man. For that purpose, Lema Megersa, the party chairman transferred the title to Abiy Ahimed who is member of the federal parliament. To the embarrassment of TPLF, newly elected chair and PM hopeful, Abiy skipped the extra ordinary parliamentary session to pass another draconian marital law in just two years. Close to a hundred OPDO MPs opposed the proposal which led to an embarrassing recalculating of the votes. It was a historic moral victory against TPLF.

After all these, Its true the OPDO has not fully toppled TPLF from Oromia let alone Ethiopia but it surely has become an opposition party in EPRDF’s dictionary. And when you act as an opposition party, The unorganized unarmed populist support is only psychological. It has little effect on the ground. Ethiopia is a millenniums old nation with violent history of power. You can’t easily walk into the Minilk palace.

Reality is now surfacing for OPDO. Yet many Ethiopians and western diplomats want to see an OPDO man ( either Lema or Abiy) to take the prime minister position. Which is good but TPLF has also officially started the crack down on this reformist faction. This second state of emergency is only for OPDO. Cutting the foot of Abiy and lema is well underway.  Several regional officials have been arrested. The killings are well and high in numbers. Only on Saturday, regime troops killed more than twenty Oromos in Moyale. The killings were deliberate by the ruthless regime. They blamed it on OLF. They brought back their old same song. TPLF is as determined as ever to get rid of anyone who threatens their power.

Can OPDO really rule Ethiopia?

Yes they can. They have openly said that. After relinquishing the chairmanship of OPDO to Abiy Ahmed, Lema the former chairman was quoted to have said they don’t use the power to steal Ethiopia and benefit Oromo but work for all. It was like an election campaign for a huge Ethiopian audience.  And just last week, the secretariat or the spokesman of the command post, Siraj fergesa said the violent situation is turning to look like a color revolution. The color revolution narrative is directed to Lema Megersa’s OPDO. TPLF in the mouth of the command post admitted the power struggle. TPLF uses that expression to situations that threaten its power. They used it against CUDP in 2005 after the election results signaled victory for the opposition coalition.

No one really knows what is on the mind of Lema and his reformist faction. TPLF, under the name of the command post and martial law has declared war on them. It  is killing their base and network all over the Oromia region. They need to act sooner than later before their base is gone. Once their base is gone, they will only be individuals not an organized group.

What they can do

The long awaited EPRDF meeting is underway. Its expected that they will name the new party chairman or the defacto PM in a few days. Western donors and most people on the opposition side prefer to see Abiy Ahmed, the OPDO chairman as the new PM. But TPLF is well known for ignoring advice. As Shiferaw Shigute another PM hopeful from the south said just like week, the EPRDF ( TPLF’s mask) has its own way of doing things. Yes they’re right. They have been doing things their own way and it has so far worked. They still rule Ethiopia.

For OPDO the first thing to do is wait on the outcomes of the meeting. We live by hope. If Abiy Ahmed gets the PM position, thats clearly a first victory for OPDO. They try to maintain their psychological triumph.

But as much as getting the PM position, there are other serious things to do. They one way or another way need to get rid of reactionary elements within the OPDO itself. Until recently, this party was full of corrupt officials who are directly connected to Addis Ababa in direct corruption. They have their own personal fear of retaliation. So they prefer to serve the TPLF than fully support their newly born independet OPDO.  They declared war on their own people by voting for the martial law. Lema and co. must carefully clear the organization of these people. The old guard of opportunists like Abadula Gemeda and the foreign affair minister Workneh Gebeyehu must be prime targets.

Once getting full control of the OPDO itself, the next move must be getting sympathy from individual Oromos in the armed forces. The hardest job ever for OPDO will be this. This is like playing with fire but its possible. In terms of numbers, there are thousands of Oromos within the armed forces. The army was organized along regional ties. So once they have the full control of their party free from the back stabbers, they might get the sympathy of members of the army with Oromo origin.  We have seen signs of doing that. Just last week again, a retired Oromo general who is also veteran of the rebel movement appeared on the regional television. The general vanished from public eyes after the end of the Ethio-Eri war. Its almost twenty years. In the TV appearance, he praised the new OPDO leaders and applauded their capablities of leading Ethiopia. This is not an accident. It is a small sign of the new OPDO trying to get foot in the military. Success in this area is the key toward the full reform everybody hopes for.

The Other most important thing is to maintain the rhetoric and the gestures. This is mainly a test for the two front men, Lema and Abiy. They need to start communicating to the international community. It was reported that US secretary of state department, Rex Tillerson would speak to them on the first stop of his Africa tour. This means they have attracted the attention of the international community. Its a huge moral boost. Who knows, may be the US is pondering its chance of replacing TPLF by OPDO for a less violent transition. Lema and Abiy must know that they’ve already held the tail of the beast. There is no way back. They must continue with the rhetoric and the gestures. They must embrace whatever cost will come. The cost of backing down will be much higher than cost of going forward. It is suicidal.

Least but not last is the opposition within the Oromo itself. Merera Gudina’s home based opposition is  in theory an opposition to the OPDO. Since it is a regionally registered party. They still oppose OPDO but its hard to say they will stand on its way for a better future. You never know. Politics is full of opportunist individuals and groups. If they see OPDO really weakening TPLF, they may plan to seize the hole and come after OPDO. It needs some serious calculation from the side of Lema and Abiy.

The rest significant element is the Oromo diaspora. The most vocal groups in the diaspora have been playing a very negative role for decades. Some are old school OLFites in confusion. Some are new school OLFites who have eternal love for the name. Some are detached from the new Ethiopia. These old folks know the Ethiopia of the emperor, so day and night they fantasize about a non existent Oromia republic they dreamed of forty years ago. But recently, a new generation of young smart activists have emerged as a vocal group in the Oromo diaspora. These young men are smart and play the game better than the outdated older Oromo diaspora. They control media. They compete to appear as a better Oromo by bashing the name Ethiopia and Amhara. They want to shape the future of OPDO. They post and tweet. They ask a question and they answer it themselves. They don’t let other oromo voices be heard on their platform. They are another big challenge for the new OPDO.

OPDO was not born to be a hero. But thanks to the pro-democracy protests, a new generation of leaders have emerged. Situations create heroes. Its up to Lema and Abiy to live to the name and write history. They came out from nowhere. Who knew these men before three years. Ethiopia’s history of power, the power of the underdogs favors OPDO to be the next play makers. But it must prove itself by defying all the odds.

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What Does The Future Hold For Ethiopia SBS Amharic

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Some of the defendants,  including Masresha Sete (right) and Dr. Fikru Maru (upper center) as was compiled by Ethio trial Tracker

Mahlet Fasil
Addis Standard

Addis Abeba, March 12/2018 – Judges at the federal high court 19th criminal bench have this morning postponed a key verdict in the case involving 38 defendants charged after having been accused of masterminding the Qilinto prison in Sep. 2016. The court said it was too busy to exhaustively look at documents and adjourned the next hearing to deliver the innocent or guilty verdict on April  24.

IN November 2016, federal prosecutors have charged 38 inmates accusing them of “causing fire and beating 23 prisoners and making them burn” at Qilinto prison, a maximum security prison located in the southern outskirt of the capital Addis Abeba.  A fire at the Qilinto prison on September 3, 2016 has caused the death of disputed numbers of inmates and the destruction of, according to prosecutors charge, over 10 million birr worth property.

The case has been dragging in the court since then. Initially the prosecutors have submitted a list of 85 witnesses to testify against defendants. Of these 48 have so far testified while the testimonies from the 28 have been dismissed by the court. However, the prosecutors witness hearing have been marked by several irregularities and inconsistencies  including  witnesses’ inability to properly identify suspects during witness depositions in the court.

Five pages of report compiled by the independent Human Rights Council Ethiopia was also submitted to the court detailing gross rights violations against the defendants by prison authorities. The defendants have repeated their plea again during the hearing this morning.

Background

From the get go, the charges filed at the Lideta federal high court 19^th criminal bench have contradicted the government’s initial statement that 21 inmates have died of suffocation during the fire and two were killed by prison security while trying to escape. The prosecutors said they were charging the 38 inmates, under the file name of inmate Masresha Sete, “for beating” the 23 inmates and making them “to burn to death.”  The charge also accuses the inmates of having links to outlawed opposition organizations such as OLF and G7 while in prison and conspiring to start he fire.

Details of what caused the fire and the number of people killed have therefore remain disputed. On September 4, in an e-mail message received by Addis Standard, an eyewitness who said he was on guard the morning of Saturday Sep 3, said that “armed prison guards were indiscriminately shooting at prisoners”.  Most of the prisoners were running “frantically to extinguish the fire,” according to the email from the eye witness. He said he had “seen about five prisoners gunned down in the spot by armed security guards from two different directions,”  and added he has helped “18 bodies being taken out of the prison in the late afternoon. As far as I know none of the dead were due to the fire. They all died of gunshot wounds.”

However, an inquiry by the state sanctioned Ethiopia Human Rights Commission claimed that the fire was a “premeditated arson”. In April 2017, the former Commissioner, Dr Addisu Gebregziabher, told the House of People’s Legal and Administrative Affairs Standing Committee that prisoners have smuggled “combustible materials, drugs and lighters,” to start the fire. A charge vehemently denied by all the defendants. The accusation was also debunked from the several witness inconsistencies during the multiple hearings so far.

All the 38 defendants have been charged with other cases before the prison fire and were serving and or being held at the prison during the fire accident. Notable among the defendants are well know heart surgeon Dr. Fikru Maru, who was jailed for corruption and was serving four years and eight months term at the time the prison fire happened. On March 07. the federal Cassation bench overruled the federal Supreme Court’s decision to dismiss the corruption charges against Dr Fikiru and upheld the federal High Court’s sentencing, sentencing and a fine of 60, 000 ETB.

Ethiopian authorities have recently released thousands of political prisoners including key personalities, but none of the 38 defendants have received the amnesty so far. AS

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Life and Legacy፡ Emeritus Prof Bereket Habte Selassie Pt 3 SBS Amharic

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Gambella Nilotes United Movement
Press Release
March 12^th, 2018, Gambella

GNUM strongly condemns the current state of emergency declared by TPLF/EPRDF government, purposely imposed to hinder the exercise of Freedom of speech, embedded in the constitution of the country. The Ethiopian citizens should not accept this despotic act of the government and must stand in solidarity with the protesters’ across the country and around the globe. The Gambella Nilotes United Movement (GNUM) condemns the TPLF government’s genocidal killings, arbitrary arrest, and tortures of civilians in most parts of Oromya, Amhara, Gambella, Beneshangul Gumuz, Southern Nations Nationalities People Region, Afar, and Somalia regions.

GNUM strongly condemns the killings of innocent Oromo people in Oromia region by the TPLF soldiers since last year. The current mass protests in various regions of the Ethiopia against the TPLF government demonstrate the government failure to address the democratic principles enshrined in the constitution; calling for freedom and justice in the country. GNUM strongly condemns the ongoing killing of the civilians, gross violation of human rights, obstruction of Freedom of speech and Freedom of the Press. For instance while the Oromo people are mourning the death of innocent civilians in their region which was triggered by the October 2, 2016 annual religious of Irreechaa thanksgiving festival in Bishoftu, a town near Addis Ababa, the Agazi Force continued to massacre the Oromo civilians in different parts of Oromiya region. It is the rights of Oromo people to continue struggle to ensure freedom and justice prevail across the country. GNUM and all indigenous people in Gambella and the neighboring Nilotic Omotic people will stand with all protestors across the country to ensure change in the government.

We are calling upon the Oromo and Ogaden Elites, political organizations, religious institutions, youths, women, and farmers to work together for peaceful co-existence between the two regions.

GNUM condemns the killings, arbitrary arrest and detention, tortures and displacement of the Amhara people in different parts of Amhara region. The Amhara people had been the target of TPLF/EPRDF government since 1991. The Amhara people currently live in great fear and threat following the protest against the government dictatorship and corruption.

The leadership of GNUM would like to inform and encourage all the indigenous populations to collaborate and pay solidarity with other oppressed Ethiopians to condemn and oppose the current leadership of the TPLF/ EPRDF government in order to bring about regime change.

The TPLF State of emergency declared on February 16^th, 2018 is leading the country to chaos and mass killing of innocent people. This is the third time that the government declared state of emergency in the country to suppress the up rise against its unpopular and racist policies which are danger for the country co-existence. We are calling upon all Ethiopian from all directions including all opposition political movements in and outside the country to stand together as one Ethiopian to ensure the apartheid TPLF regime is gone.

To this effect, GNUM calls upon the international community to investigate and condemn these barbaric killings, human rights abuse, intimidation and harassment toward the mass protestors in Ethiopia and holds the TPLF/EPRDF regime accountable for all crimes against humanity. We are particularly calling upon the United Nations, EU, USA, AU, and all other humanitarian organizations to closely monitor the political and military action against the innocent civilians in many parts of Ethiopia and to actively denounce any retaliatory actions against the innocent civilians who are rightfully exercising their constitutional rights under the law of the land.

At last we call upon the TPLF/EPRDF government to stop killing of innocent Ethiopians; to release our brothers kept in various prisons in the country under inhumanly conditions; to recognize the communal land rights and ownership in accord with the UN provisions. The Gambella Nilotes United Movement (GNUM) will continue its struggle for all people of Gambella and other oppressed Ethiopian to ensure freedom, justice, security and prosperity are brought to all the oppressed people of Ethiopia.

Gambella Nilotes United Movement

Central committee

Our contact:

gambellagnuma@gmail.com OR gambellagnuma@yahoo.com

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VOA News

By Salem Solomon

Ethiopian Disability Rights Advocate Champions Opportunities for Women

Yetnebersh Nigussie had opportunities other girls in rural Ethiopia can only dream of.

Unlike her peers growing up in Wollo province, Nigussie wasn’t married off as a young girl or forced to work at home.

Instead, she devoted herself to learning.

Nigussie moved to the capital, Addis Ababa, and pursued an education, eventually earning a law degree and founding the Ethiopian Center for Disability and Development, a group that advocates for the rights of disabled people in her home country.

What makes Nigussie’s accomplishments especially noteworthy are the challenges she overcame.

Nigussie lost her sight at age 5 after contracting meningitis. But where some see obstacles, Nigussie, now 36, sees potential.

“I believe challenges are opportunities. So we human beings are created to change challenges into opportunities,” she told VOA’s Amharic Service in a phone interview last week. “That’s why I always tell [people] that, when I turned blind at the age of 5, that brought a new opportunity. I would have never been educated had I not been blind. All my siblings and the children in my area, in my age [group] — none of them have gotten educational opportunities.”

Advocacy

Nigussie has built her career on advocating for people with disabilities. In recognition of her accomplishments, she will receive the prestigious Spirit of Helen Keller Award, presented by the nongovernmental organization Helen Keller International, at a May 2 gala in New York.

First presented in 1959, the award is named for an American activist who was deaf and blind. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Keller gained fame for her lectures, writings and advocacy work promoting the rights of women and the disabled.

“Receiving the Spirit of Helen Keller Award is a great thing because Helen Keller has been my source of inspiration that I am living. We believe in the same thing: telling people not to focus on our disabilities, [but] rather on our abilities,” Nigussie said. “Helen was always saying that ‘I don’t know what darkness is, but I know there is a light.’ So it’s a great thing to be associated with such a fantastic hero who has been always my inspiration in life.”

Recognizing contributions

Now, Nigussie wants to honor women making an impact across the globe with a separate award: Her Abilities, which she will give out annually in partnership with Light for the World. Nigussie is an adviser to the Austria-based organization.

The award will recognize women making an impact in the areas of health and education, rights, and sport and culture. It is open to women with disabilities worldwide.

“The reason we decided to focus on women with disabilities is that we believe they face double, and sometimes triple, discrimination,” Nigussie said. “We need to spotlight their work and make sure that they are visible to the world. … So it’s very much in line with my personal motto: I have one disability and 99 abilities. So we’re not going to focus on the one disability. We’re going to talk about their 99 abilities — or more — and we’re going to celebrate their achievements, their greatness.”

Nominations for the award will open July 2, and winners will be announced in December.

Overcoming barriers

An estimated 15 million people in Ethiopia live with disabilities, and they often lack access to resources and protections while facing stigmatization and a heightened risk of poverty and social isolation. According to the World Health Organization, Africans with disabilities face significant gaps in their access to welfare, education, vocational training and counseling services.

Nigussie’s organization, the Ethiopian Center, has sought to address these barriers through job training and publications. For example, it offers an online guide to Ethiopian hotels, restaurants and offices that are accessible to people with disabilities.

The activist also hopes to continue advocating for legal changes, including overturning a restriction that makes it illegal for deaf people in Ethiopia to drive.

Nigussie said she is humbled by the recognition and motivated to do more.

“I believe all these challenges would lead people with disabilities, in particular in Africa, to make sure that they overcome the challenge,” she said. “No challenges are coming to stop us. They are coming as a puzzle for us to solve.”

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Battling high winds, Kenyan Erick Kiptanui and Etagegn Woldu of Ethiopia prevailed in their respective races at the EDP Lisbon Half Marathon, an IAAF Gold Label road race, on Sunday.

Women’s Race

In the women’s event, which started 15 minutes before the men’s, also had seven women in contention through the first 17 kilometres in the front. Woldu then took the lead, upped the tempo and ran to a 1:11:27 win, improving her personal best by three minutes.

“I expected to race under 68 minutes, but the strong wind didn’t allow it,” the 21-year-old sai. “I’m happy for this win and I hope run faster in my next race.”

Belainesh Oljira followed in 1:11:29 with Helen Bekele Tola, the fourth place finisher at September’s Berlin Marathon, third in 1:11:33 to round out the podium for Ethiopia.

Mimi Belete of Bahrain was fourth in 1:11:38 with Kenyan Magdalyne Masai fifth in 1:11:49 to repeat her position from last year.

The weather conditions forced organisers to change the course for the mass race from the south to the north bank of the Tagus river to avoid crossing the 25 of April Bridge, an iconic feature of the race.

Leading results:

Women –
1. Etagegn Woldu, ETH, 1:11:27
2. Belainesh Oljira, ETH, 1:11:29
3. Helen Bekele Tola, ETH, 1:11:33 
4. Mimi Belete, BRN, 1:11:38 (Ethiopian-born)
5. Magdalyne Masai, KEN, 1:11:49
6. Sofyia Shemsu, ETH, 1:11:50
7. Hiwot Ayalew, ETH, 1:11:56
8. Pasalia Chepkorir Kipkoech, KEN, 1:13:24
9. Kellys Arias, COL, 1:15:27
10. Filomena Costa, POR, 1:16:43

Men –
1. Erick Kiptanui, KEN, 1:00:05
2. Yohanes Gebregergish, ERI, 1:00:16
3. Morris Munene Gachaga, KEN, 1:00:17
4. Nicholas Kosimbei, KEN, 1:00:21
5. Atsedu Tsegay, ETH, 1:00:28
6. Zersenay Tadese, ERI, 1:00:29
7. Alexander Mutiso, KEN, 1:00:31
8. James Wangari, KEN, 1:00:49
9. Noah Kipkemboi, KEN, 1:00:52
10. Birhan Nebebew, ETH, 1:00:53
11. Kipkemoi Kiprono, KEN, 1:00:56
12. Edwin Kibet Koech, KEN, 1:00:57

Read more at: IAAF.org

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Tesfaye Demmellash

Dear Professor Mammo Muchie,

I read with interest what you and Dr. Berhanu Mengistu wrote recently, dubbing it an “Urgent Call for an Ethiopian All-Inclusive Consensus Forum.” I also listened to the video in which you implore the TPLF regime and opposition groups to help Ethiopia make a transition to a form of government that allows her “peoples” to live in unity and peace. I heard you beg the regime and its opponents to do this, even as you gave them in the same breath advice about practicing morally grounded politics and about promoting “the philosophy that bears the country’s name,” that is, Ethiopianism.

Fundamental questions arise here that are worth asking and seeking answers for. The issues of “transition,” and “conflict resolution” themselves, as distinct from the particular ways in which you and Dr. Berhanu in particular have framed them, are often raised widely among concerned Ethiopians at home and abroad. Since there is neither need nor space here to engage in an extended analysis, I offer my thoughts summarily on a few relevant themes. I offer them in a provisional way, with openness to exchange of ideas with you and others.

The Role of the Intelligentsia

There are many Ethiopian mihuran whose resistance against TPLF dictatorship is carried on often in ways that are not technically or essentially related to their professional work as intellectuals. An economist may work at helping disparate opposition groups reconcile their differences and create coalitions, for example; a mihur trained in law may be engaged in bringing Ethiopian concerns to the attention of major Western powers, doing “diplomatic” work in support of the Ethiopian cause against TPLF tyranny. Or, as in your case, Professor Mammo, an intellectual whose expertise lies in technological and social innovation, may implore members of the nation’s political class, including ethically tone-deaf bosses and partisans of the Woyane tribal regime, to do the right thing for the Ethiopian people. He gives moral advice to a regime that is demonstrably lacking in moral bearings.

Such “intellectual” engagements may not be entirely discounted, but they have no connection to our literati’s trained functioning as knowledge workers, as thinkers who traffic in meanings, symbols, and facts and their interpretation. The engagements are not linked to the vital functions of dissenting Ethiopian mihuran, regardless of disciplinary background. Namely, to generate new ideas and values or innovate on existing ones, to enlighten the Ethiopian people through broadly accessible analysis and persuasive argument, to chart national-strategic direction for the nation’s popular resistance movements, or to wage effective ideological struggle against nationally divisive authoritarian ethnocentrism in all its variants.

Morality and Politics

In drawing an absolute contrast between “dirty politics that kills” people with “clean politics that saves human life,” you, along with Dr. Berhanu, imply that politics can be practiced in moral purity, organizing its ideas, values and practices from “outside” the society it would transform. You seem to suggest that the political can be approached in idealistic detachment from the complexities of social-historical reality. You call upon a nefarious regime, hell-bent on carrying out an anti-Amhara and anti-Ethiopia political project, to demonstrate virtue in its behavior, to show nobleness and worth of character. You appeal to the “moral intelligence” of a fascistic ruling party which is lacking in such intelligence.

In the context of our struggle for national survival against colonial-like Woyane tyranny, this moralistic approach to realpolitik creates a double distortion: First, in effect if not in intent, it cuts the Ethiopian resistance off from the support of lived social and national experience; it disconnects the resistance from the energy and vitality of existent patriotic forces. Second, pure moralism is actually politically disabling. It has the effect of incapacitating the dissident Ethiopian mihur by inducing him or her to forgo strategic thinking and action. On the other hand, such politically disembodied moralistic posture on the part of dissenting Ethiopian mihuran is useful to the Woyanes because it does not critically and systematically challenge in thought (and practice) their system of domination.

I am here not saying that there is no room for morality in the struggle we wage to save our national life. There is. But our moral values are exercised under the conditions of our shared Ethiopian experience, not in abstraction from them. Moral agency is not a capacity to operate “outside” our national-political context but to transform it, to work through it in envisioning an alternative political order while remaining grounded on our national being.

Here, it helps to recognize that moral, intellectual and political values or sentiments are not insular substrata that take shape and come into play as such, i.e., in island-like isolation from one another.  In actuality, they tend to flow and merge into one another, often while maintaining their respective spheres of influence. For example, moral integrity and intellectual courage to speak truth to power are not mutually exclusive attitudes. Or, emotional intelligence need not be separate from critical intellect. Instead, one could be reflected in, and support, the other.

In struggling for change within easy reach of the repressive hand of TPLF regime, the Ethiopian people handle fear by approaching the feeling with national purpose and context, taming and channeling it as a motive force of the struggle for change, not allowing the feeling to make itself felt in its nakedness. There is a lesson here for the nation’s educated stratum, you and I included. We could use the power of ideas and causes greater than ourselves to loosen the grip spontaneous anxiety (or careerism) has over us. Such power emboldens us to speak truth to power, acting as a deterrent against sentimentalism or the emotional overloading of our politics. In this way, we refrain from feeling without thinking; instead of abstractly moralizing Ethiopian national and political affairs, we strive to get a good grasp of the reality that is in them. We explore possibilities and ways in which the reality may be transformed.

Ethiopia and Ethiopianism

As you often remind us, the meaning and value of Ethiopia have transnational and transcontinental dimensions that extend beyond the core of the Ethiopian nation-state and its territory. Historic Ethiopia has provided a global beacon of black independence, self-rule, and spiritual culture to the African Diaspora. In this sense, Ethiopianism signifies Ethiopiawinnet beyond Ethiopia. What is more, Ethiopia is the original locus from which humanity dispersed world-wide.

However, we should be careful not to mix up Ethiopianism as an enduring source of transnational “self-identification” in the Black diaspora with national identity and experience that are constitutive of Ethiopia proper. What I find problematic in your approach is that the promotion of Ethiopianism, particularly in the context of the general commitment to Pan-Africanism, is often gained at the expense of close, critical and strategic analysis of the political and national affairs of the real and objective Ethiopia in particular.

Ironically, Ethiopianism thereby bypasses or pre-empts the vitality of its national-historical ground by transposing it into a global “philosophy,” even as it glorifies and celebrates historic Ethiopia. In this sense, it represents a curious biherawi consciousness:  ideally/globally assertive and celebratory, yet recessive and quietist in the face of the struggle to save the real Ethiopia from TPLF tyranny. There is here a need to recognize that Ethiopianism, embraced “philosophically” in ideal purity and isolation from the adverse realities of our national life today, would not help much in overcoming or changing those realities and in saving actually existing Ethiopia.

“Conflict Resolution”

As a general idea or theme, “conflict resolution” is hardly controversial. What is often open to debate is the way in which the idea is framed in particular terms under particular conditions. More specifically, what I have in mind here is Dr. Berhanu Mengistu’s formulation of the theme in the contemporary Ethiopian context. In making your recent “urgent call for an Ethiopian all-inclusive consensus forum,” you did so jointly with Dr. Berhanu, so I take it that you share his thoughts on the matter.

I had an opportunity a couple of years ago to comment on his views, responding to a paper he wrote, entitled “Mediating Political Space for Opposition Parties in the Ethiopian Political System: A Conceptual Framework.” So I will here state again why I found his basic approach fundamentally misconceived. I assume that he still holds the views presented in that paper. If you think otherwise about his framing of the notion of conflict resolution in the present Ethiopian context, I would like to know why you do so.

To speak more substantively about Dr. Berhanu’s views, there is, first, the matter of his characterization of the sources of conflict and crisis in Ethiopia. He sees conflict originating from corruption, human rights abuses, and scarcity of good governance. This may be so, but the characterization is marked by distortions of both commission and omission. First, clashes and struggles that are uniquely reflective of the historical depth and troubled revolutionary experience of the Ethiopian nation are flattened into general problems of African underdevelopment. Diagnosis of national problems and conflicts in Ethiopia in such generic terms as “corruption” and lack of “good governance,” which is common currency in World Bank technocratic circles, is often echoed without much critical thought among the nation’s Western-trained academics, technocrats and some advocates of peaceful transition to democracy in Ethiopia . Second, the fact that the TPLF regime in and of itself is the major source strife, dissention and instability in Ethiopia today, that the tribal regime generates conflict by its very nature and functioning, is an inconvenient truth that is ignored or unremarked in Dr. Berhanu’s talk of conflict resolution.

What is worse is that Dr. Berhanu depicted the political behavior exhibited by the Woyane dictatorship since its hostile take-over of the Ethiopian state in May 1991 as a “process of democratization” and a “democratic experiment.” For all his claims to “neutral mediation” or shimgillina, he concedes from the start a whole lot of ground to one side of the conflict, namely, that of the TPLF regime. He helps validate the regime’s false political self-image. Need we point out that the depiction simply flies in the face of the actualities of Woyane partisan-tribal dictatorship? One here wonders what caused the good doctor, supposedly a neutral mediator of conflict in Ethiopia, to shy away from not only speaking truth to power, but even from mildly expressing in his concept paper what he probably knows to be true about the real character and behavior of the TPLF regime.

In focusing on the imperative of creating “political space” for opposition parties within the TPLF/EPRDF state, such as it is, Dr. Berhanu’s paper suggested that lack of such space is the underlying cause of conflict and instability in Ethiopia. But, speaking more fundamentally, the challenge of transition we as a nation face today is one of transforming the existing system of politics and government, not creating more space within it. At bottom, the political project of transition has to do with phased movement from one political paradigm or system to another.

On Transition

As the Ethiopian people confront the beginning of the end of TPLF tribal tyranny, how a transition to an alternative, more just and democratic political order might proceed is not easily understood. The regime can be expected to fight for its life by all means necessary, operating desperately in a twilight zone of decline and decay before the dawn of Ethiopian resurgence and renewal.

How a transition might take place is not easily conceived also because the crisis of the TPLF dictatorship is not a particular event impinging on the dictatorship alone but an increasingly complex gray zone in which residual and emergent patriotic resistance forces are active, struggling to come into their own and avoid cooptation or destruction by the ever scheming Woyane regime. The uncertainty and contingency associated with the crisis, which has created a structural opening for systemic change, puts stress not only on the regime itself but on opposition parties and movements as well.

A central issue that arises now is this: given that TPLF bosses and cadres are unwilling or unable to engage the opposition in good-faith dialogue and negotiation for a peaceful transition to democracy in Ethiopia, how should the social and political forces of Ethiopian unity, including patriotic and forward-looking educated strata, give shape and direction to the discourse of transition? How might the conversation about transition take place as a vital national force in the transformation of the existing political system rather than as a drag on all round structural change?

The problem with the idea of “transition” as often proposed by political elites and their intellectual backers, particularly in the Diaspora, is that, knowingly or not, it throws a lifeline to the TPLF regime instead of helping to neutralize it. The notion has also the effect of dampening or circumventing potentially revolutionary popular resistance. Moreover, talk of transition tends to short-circuit critical, system-transforming thought through opportunistic “pragmatism” or conventional moralism.

Knowledge, information, strategy and intelligence are often associated with war making. But they figure in all modes of contention and combat, non-violent as well as violent. Thus, struggling peaceably for systemic transition and change in our country can be enhanced by these instruments and qualities of effective engagement, with all their attendant risks and rewards.

In a paradoxical sense, then, the art of peaceable resistance in Ethiopia today can draw lessons from the art of war. Through well thought out plan and strategy, peaceful struggle could neutralize or circumvent the war-making capacity and activity of the TPLF regime. According to the renowned Chinese warrior-philosopher Sun Tzu, in seeking “victory without battle, and unassailable strength through understanding of the…politics and psychology of conflict,” informed and methodical combat is opposed to destructive war making. Thought and strategy are most successful when they make possible winning without fighting, when they make “[violent] conflict altogether unnecessary…” As he further explains in his The Art of War:

When your strategy is deep and far-reaching, then what you gain by your calculations is much, so

you can win before you even fight (emphasis added). When your strategic thinking is shallow and

near-sighted, then what you gain by your calculations is little, so you lose before you do battle…

Lacking autonomous agency and effective strategy, proponents of peaceful transition struggle within Ethiopian political and intellectual strata at home and abroad lose before they engage in the struggle, often giving currency to terms like “all-inclusive dialogue,” “negotiation,” and “consensus” isolated in their ideal purity from the Ethiopian national-popular resistance against TPLF tyranny. The terms signify a process seen to be prior and external to a coherent Ethiopian movement, with “movement” here understood as an integral agerawi activity in which moral, intellectual, and political/strategic engagements form an indivisible, dynamic whole.

Under these circumstances, there is little or no possibility for transition dialogue to be a powerful national force in the initiation and direction of systemic transition and change. Instead, the TPLF regime itself or its foreign enablers and/or domestic agents and intellectual fellow travelers could jump into the conversation and steer it in any way that they might desire. For this reason, Ethiopian transition thought, discourse and practice need to be guided by a deep strategy which is most productive of systemic change with a minimum of conflict and loss of life and treasure.

tesfayedemmellash@gmail.com

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By Ali Mohamed
Posted Mar 12, 2018

Secretary of State Rex Tillerson is wrapping up a visit to Chad, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya and Nigeria to talk with African leaders about counterterrorism, trade and investment on a continent rich in oil and natural resources, according to the State Department.

Absent from his agenda were human rights, democracy and the rule of law. Most African countries Tillerson was to visit, especially Ethiopia, are rife with human-rights abuses, despotism and corruption.

Ethiopia is slowly imploding. For the past two years, the Ethiopian people in Amahara and Oromia regions have waged massive anti-government demonstrations to challenge the stranglehold on power by the ruling Ethiopia People Revolutionary Democratic Party Front party, dominated by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front. Some of these demonstrations have resulted in bloodshed.

The TPLF draws support from Tigrayan people, who make up 6 percent of the population, but the faction controls most of the country’s economy, land and top military and intelligence-service posts.

After disagreement with top TPLF leadership over how to handle the discontent of the masses, Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn recently resigned. In a televised speech to the nation, Desalegn said that his resignation would allow for the reforms the country needs. He also added, “People’s demands and questions should be met and answered.”

Opposition groups are demanding a free and credible election, closely monitored by international observers, and the establishment of an independent electoral commission. Although thousands of prisoners in Amharas and Oromos have been released, opposition leaders also want the remaining political prisoners, including Canadian Bashir Makhtal, who are still locked up in federal and regional state prisons to be freed.

The human consequences of allowing this regime’s reign of terror to continue unchecked can be measured by the death toll and the displacement of civilians in the Amhara, Oromia and Somali regional states.

The federal security forces and the Liyu police, a paramilitary force controlled by the thug Abdi Mohamed Omar (aka Abdi Iley), president of the Somali regional state, were accused of crimes against humanity. These include “mass killing, kidnappings, systematic use of rape, torture, arbitrary arrest, looting livestock, destroying wells and razing villages to the ground,” according to the Human Rights Watch

Despite the massive human-rights abuses, America has kept a blind eye to the regime’s depravity in order to pursue a narrow counterterrorism interest. The U.S. has foolishly provided the Ethiopian government with billions in aid, including humanitarian and development help, plus training and supplying weapons to the Ethiopian security forces.

Millions of dollars of that money go straight to the Ethiopian government’s coffers. There is no chance of fighting poverty while Ethiopia is rife with rampant corruption, human-rights abuse and injustice. In fact, America’s aid has the inadvertent effect of helping TPLF cling to power. The regime also diverted some of the aid money to stifle freedom and dissent, to incite ethnic divisions and to rig elections repeatedly.

The Ethiopian people had made their choice clear in a 2005 election. They voted for a regime change, but the regime stole the election. Since then it has eliminated any credible political opposition or dissent. Today, Ethiopia is de-facto dictatorship.

Ethiopia requires concerted international action. America has a moral responsibility to aid Ethiopians who are yearning for freedom from oppression and misrule. America, Britain and the European Union have the power to bring an end to the regime in Addis Ababa. The United States could use its diplomatic muscle and leverage to assist a peaceful regime change through negotiated political settlement. That settlement should include a transitional government and, eventually, a free and credible election.

Congress also has the power of the purse to suspend all nonhumanitarian assistance and military-to-military relationship with this vile regime until it allows real reforms, respect for human rights and inclusive governance in Ethiopia.

Allowing a country with an estimated 90 million people to implode is dangerous. This scenario not only would deny the beleaguered Ethiopians the right to decide their own future but would also ignite ethnic strife, spreading extremism in a volatile region.

Ali Mohamed of Lewis Center is the editor and founder Gubanmedia.com, an online source of news and commentary about the Horn of Africa region. He can be reached at aliadm18@gmail.com.

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According to the report by the Amhara Mass Media Agency (AMMA), Bahir Dar University is conducting a curriculum design to start  Oromiffa language teaching program.

ባህርዳር ዩኒቨርሲቲ ኦሮሞኛ ቋንቋን ለማስተማር ቅድመ ዝግጅት እያደረገ ነው፡፡

ባህር ዳር፡ መጋቢት 3/2010 ዓ/ም(አብመድ) የዩኒቨርሲቲው የሂዩማንቲ ፋኩልቲ ዲን ዶክተር ዳዊት አሞኘ እንደተናገሩት የግዕዝ ቋንቋን ከጥንታዊቷ ኢትዩጵያ ታሪክ ጋር በማቀናጀት ማስተማር ለመጀመር ምዝገባ ላይ ይገኛል፡፡

ከግዕዝ በተጨማሪ የኦሮምኛ ቋንቋን ለማስተማር የስርዓተ ትምህርት ቀረፃ እና ሌሎች ጥናቶች እየተሰሩ ነው ብለዋል፡፡

ፋኩልቲው ቲያትር እና ፊልም ለማስተማርም ዝግጅት እያደረገ ነው፡፡

የባህርዳር ዩኒቨርሲቲ የአማርኛ ቋንቋ ማበልጸጊያ ተቋም ከፍቶ በአማርኛ ቋንቋ እድገት ላይ የበኩሉን ሚና እየተወጣ ነው፡፡

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“Mike Pompeo, Director of the CIA, will become our new Secretary of State,” Trump tweeted.

“He will do a fantastic job! Thank you to Rex Tillerson for his service! Gina Haspel will become the new Director of the CIA, and the first woman so chosen. Congratulations to all!”

The news was first reported by The Washington Post.

Tillerson and Trump have had a tempestuous relationship throughout the president’s tenure, with published reports, denied by the secretary of State, that he had referred to Trump as a “moron.”

The reports prompted Trump to challenge his secretary of State to an IQ test.

There were also differences in rhetoric, including on Monday, when Tillerson pointed the finger at Moscow over the poisoning of a double agent and his daughter in London. The White House earlier in the day had notably not blamed Russia for the incident, despite claims from Great Britain’s prime minister.

Late last year, speculation mounted in Washington that Tillerson would be replaced, and reports circulated that Pompeo could be his replacement.

Source- The Hill

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By Belay Zeleke

As I write this letter I started remembering interviews with Professor Ephriam shortly after the 2005 stolen election of Ethiopia. I listened over and over again and his answers to the questions of the interviewer were cloaked in riddles. He would not answer the question about what exactly happened during his efforts as he negotiated between TPLF/Meles Zenawi and the leaders of Kinijt. It was very odd and bizarre to me that this so-called elder was not able to transparently explain what occurred as he was shuttling between the prison where the democratically elected leaders were being held and Arat Kilo palace. I concluded that perhaps I did not fully appreciate the “shimgelena”protocols of my culture. However as time went on and some information started to leak out about the situation it was clear that something nefarious was at play.

Leaving this aside I just read the open letter penned by Professor Ephraim Isaac in the Reporter magazine, an Open Letter to Ethiopians and Abroad . I must say that I had to make sure that I read it twice before reacting.  There are so many platitudes and obvious historical references to tug at the hearts of Ethiopians that I actually found it condescending and distasteful. My first reaction was outrage that Professor Ephraim would dare come at this time. Where was he for the past 13 years and more so the past 3 years when hundreds of young Ethiopian children, youth, fathers, mothers… have been murdered and thousands jailed by EPRDF/TPLF merely for peacefully wanting their voices to be heard. What moral high ground does the professor have and how dare he think that Ethiopians will listen to anything he says. Where was he when the Ireecha massacre happened? Where was he when the youth were gunned down in Gonder and Bahir Dar by snipers? Where was he when Agazi/TPLF killed the youth in Chelenko? Where was he when TPLF soldiers started raining bullets on the religious procession of Kana Zegelela during Timket in Woldiya? Hamaresa, Moyale…. Where was he? And how dare he?

However my second reaction was relief because it is better to fight an enemy you know.  Let the enemy show themselves. This tired and old TPLF/EPRDF is out of ideas and strategies. They are looking into their bag of old tricks.

1) Come out on TV and say there is a leadership problem, we in EPRDF/TPLF will look inward and fix it….. That didn’t work!!!

2) Send out cadres and intellectuals to preach that it is an economic issue and that due to the rapid growth of the economy the government is not able to quickly provide relief by creating new job etc…… Well that went down like a ton of bricks!!

3) Throw out some flares and give good lip service that the 27 year EPRDF/TPLF is a young a burgeoning democracy in transition…. Strike out.

4) Preach that the economy is one of the fastest growing in Africa. Oh wait the currency was devalued in October 2017 ahead of the Managing Director of IMF visiting Addis in December. This visit was during the midst of this current unrest which some say was to advice the Ethiopian government to take heed of foreign loans. And by the way, the inflation rate for consumer good has gone up to 18 percent just in December. The unemployment rate in the country is about 14 percent officially however some experts say that it is likely above 20%.

and oh yes there is a drastic shortage of foreign currency. It can take up to a year to open an LC…. Next please!!!!!!

5) Go back to the State of Emergency play book to choke the people of Ethiopia and force the people to cower in fear. Surprisingly and to their credit the parliament controlled by EPRDF/TPLF did not pass the resolution by 2/3 as seen on video and printed articles right after the vote. So the EPRDF/TPLF cooked the books and changed the numbers hours later to report that it was a mistake…… Really ????

6) Bring out famous people like Haile G/Selassie that TPLF thinks are going to be heard, and have them read from the book of Bereket Simon. Have them say that there is no real political problem but rather an economic question as well as potential foreign elements trying to cause distrust in the country…. Big Fail!!!!!!

7) Elders… yes Elders that the regime has used in the past that have no significance. Parade them out and have the talk about reconciliation and togetherness, when for the past years these same people have stayed silent…… Not Going to Work!!!!!

I will say that as a youth I would run in my living room whenever I watched videos of Abebe Bikila thinking that I actually ran a marathon. I get goose bumps when I watch clips of Miruts Yifter “The Shifter”. I get butterflies when I watch Kenenisa or Yomif or Genzebe, or Meseret, or Almaz Ayana etc… running. I run with them, my spirit is with them, I am on the edge of my seat until they win because they need us and we need them. I am no different than most Ethiopians in the way we revere our athletes.

Moreover as an Ethiopian I have the utmost respect for elders. We are taught at a young age that elders are not only to be respected but no matter what the situation they know through experience the correct resolution. They have wisdom, so even if you do not agree, their intuition and spiritual guidance will win the day.

However in this time of great trial for our country we must all see clearly and not be disillusioned by our emotions. Ethiopia comes first always.

The TPLF/EPRDF cannot ever be trusted that much is a given. However the motivations of people like Haile G/Selassie and Professor Ephraim is clearly not in the interest of the Ethiopian people. It is my opinion that these celebrities are trying to buy time for this vicious regime that kills it’s own citizens. It is not that these celebrities don’t know, I feel that they are deliberately collaborating with this fascist EPRDF/TPLF regime to further their own interests, which may amount to their properties or businesses. So they have chosen material things over the lives of 13 and 14 yr olds being gunned down by snipers, mothers forced to sit on the dead body of their child, father and son killed in their house. They have sold their morality and conscious and more importantly they have sold the Ethiopian people and Ethiopia to the unelected killer regime known as EPRDF/TPLF. No one will listen so please respect yourselves and stay out of the fray.

What we see here is what the west calls “throwing everything and the kitchen sink”. This is an act of extreme desperation by the TPLF and they are trying to see which one will work. The people of Ethiopia are awake; they know these tricks and will not fall for them. This is a movement of the people by the people and they are all chanting the same slogan…”DOWN DOWN WOYANE”….”WOYANE LEBA”…… “WE WANT CHANGE”

In other words your time is up EPRDF/TPLF and the only way this will end is when you give up your power to the people.

The struggle continues…..

Belay Zeleke

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Betemariam Hailu

Haile Gebressilasie has made several poorly informed comments about Ethiopian issues in the past but his latest one is hard to stomach for so many Ethiopians, even for his inner circle.

Just this week Haile Gebressilassie made another uninteresting interview with a local media. In the interview he talks about how his business or in general the economy in Ethiopia has been hurt by ongoing pro-democracy protests and the brutal crack down of the regime. There is nothing false in what he said. Its true the three years old unrest has caused too much damage on businesses. It has destroyed Ethiopia’s image before foreign investors.  The richest black man on the planet, Ali dangote even threatened to leave the country because of what happened to his property. This is all true. I don’t have to tell it now or Haile at his latest media appearance. What is happening is crystal clear. So why did Haile Gebressilasie have to talk about him losing business due the unrest? This is really confusing. I have been trying hard to understand the logic behind this for the last few days. I did not get an answer.

I have really struggled with myself not to use any degrading words toward Haile when I was preparing this piece. He’s my hero. I love him. The only man I love to see running is Haile Gebressilassie. I wish the 90s returned and saw Haile run again. The love and respect I have is what millions of Ethiopians have for him. i accept and respect his personal choices but when he comes out and make these inflammatory and even dangerous comments, its really a problem. he’s just calling for a war on himself. I wish he had good people around him who advice him on what is good and what is bad.

I spoke to Haile in several occasions when I used to work for the sports media. he’s a nice man. Very calm and soft. He can answer his phone anytime he can. He never acted like a very big international celebrity. I knew him to be everybody’s man. He could have turned this nature of him for better but he failed so far.

It seems Haile has totally lost his mind. It might look like he’s trying to sympathize the regime or get their help. But I don’t think so. He is not a typical regime man. The ruling elite do not like him. Its not harsh to say they make fun out of him every time he shows up. His personality does not sympathize their existence. He did not get rich in political ties. He made his fortunes with hard work, dedication and endurance. The name is Haile Gebressialsie is big enough to stand on its own. It seems for me though, he’s fighting with his own name. he’s fighting himself and his big name. His own name has been a burden for him.

I guess Haile has enough IQ to understand what is going on in Ethiopia. The country is at war. This is not what I claim. The regime is fighting for its survival. It has declared a second state of emergency in just two years. Thousands have been killed and arrested. The prime minister has resigned. Only last week, Siraja fergesa, the defense secretary and spokesman of the command post ruling the country with martial law, said in a press conference that some forces are trying to snatch power. He used “color revolution’ to explain the situation. The economy is crumbling. Haile himself in his own words has felt the heat of the war. And in a war, there are waring sides. If you’re brave enough, you take sides. or if you don’t like both, you stay quite with the silent majority. Haile could simply have shut up. But instead he chose his own foolish tears. Thats very very pathetic.

Haile Gebressilaise was once a true representative of typical Ethiopian identity. He dominated long distance running for two decades. He won consecutive Olympic and word titles. he’s arguably the greatest long distance runner the planet has ever seen. He carried the name Ethiopia on his own throughout the 90s and the early 2000s. he’s a true man of hard work and endurance. His life is true model for an ordinary Ethiopian. We all remember how he won the 10,000m race in Sydney 2000. but the consecutive comments he makes regarding sensitive issues in Ethiopia are really destroying who he represents.

A few years ago, I remember the excitement of some BBC and CNN sports reporters asking me about Haile’s announcement to run for president. Ethiopia is not a presidential country. There are no presidential elections. It felt like he was unintentionally copy-catting other international celebrities who talk about their home nation’s politics. For so many Ethiopians, that comment was just a national joke. The comments he makes for attention were really coming back at him.

As a man with that big name, Haile could denounce the brutal crack down going on in the country. He could have called for unity. Okay, he did not do that for his own personal safety and business interests for that could have caused a retaliation from the regime. Ethiopia’s ages old brutal history of power makes politics a very scary activity for big names. It is rumored that the great Abebe Bikila was assassinated by the imperial regime. Another great man from the sixties, Mamo Wolde has languished in jail before his death under the current regime. The Moscow legend Miruts Yifter was imprisoned by the Mengitu Hailemariam regime. Everyone has paid prices for some political activity or comment. The silence of Kenenisa Beqele is understandable. The great Derartu Tulu is believed to be a member of the ruling party. Genzebe Dibaba was under severe backlash from activists for throwing away an Ethiopian flag with no star. It is a personal choice and right. Its still understandable.

And even worse, In Ethiopia, “Heroes” are traditionally respected from fear. today’s “hero” is the incumbent in one way or another way, they’ve been ruling with iron fist for 27 years now. But when the “hero” is struggling to stay on, you either try to prop it up or stay quite and see what will happen if you’re not brave enough or uninterested in the situation. Haile made the worst of all. His comments does not please the regime or add anything to its actions. As I said above, he’s not their man, may even be a victim himself. His comments rather anger the other side and make them hostile to him. He just diminished himself to a helpless man crying desperately for no gain. It was never wise. Haile is better than that.

The good culture of respecting individuals heroes with their own stupidity is still there. I hope the Ethiopian youth dying in Ambo or Gondar in this critical time of history would forgive him once again. But Haile must forgive himself and reconcile with his name, The name kids in Ethiopia use to say “ I wanna be like him when I grow up”.

Betemariam Hailu is an Ethiopian journalist and media personality. he’s worked for several local and international media including BBC sports, Goal.com and insidefutbol.

Follow him @betehailu

The post The fall of a hero, Why Haile Gebressilassie needs to reconcile with his own name ? appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

addisstandard 2018-03-14

The post Swedish foreign ministry calls Ethiopian Ambassador over protracted court case of jailed cardiologist Dr. Fikru Maru appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.