Author’s Note: This commentary is aimed at the Diaspora Ethiopian media. It aims to accomplish two objectives. First, I aim to openly challenge the Diaspora Ethiopian media not to become unwitting parrots and dupes of the Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation (T-TPLF), remain vigilant and expose T-TPLF disinformation campaigns. Second, I wish to urge the Diaspora media to be careful, mindful and precise in their use of language in reporting and blogging about the T-TPLF and actively oppose T-TPLF efforts to pass off itself as a legitimate government.

I have previously written to expose the clever and ingenious disinformation campaigns of the T-TPLF.

Disinformation is “false information deliberately and often covertly spread in order to influence public opinion or obscure the truth.”

Exposing T-TPLF disinformation should be the duty of all who oppose the reign of terror in Ethiopia today.

A “command post” by any other name is a “MERCENARY MILITARY COMMAND POST”

Shakespeare’s Juliet lamented that a name, a mere word, is what stands in the way of her marriage to Romeo. A name should not make a difference: “What’s in a name? that which we call a rose/ By any other name would smell as sweet…” That is indeed true for a rose.

But calling a MERCENARY MILITARY COMMAND POST by any other name does not stop it from stinking to the high heavens.

The T-TPLF wants to spray rose perfume on its stinking MERCENARY MILITARY COMMAND POST by giving it the soft label of “command post.”

The T-TPLF bosses think they can con the Ethiopian people and international community into believing that their military iron fist in a velvet glove is actually an open palm with sprinkled talcum powder. They really believe they can hoodwink, bamboozle, mislead, hornswoggle and dupe the people of Ethiopia and the international community that their “command post” is a little ole ad hoc group of civilians scurrying about to manage popular protests.

That, of course, is fresh horse manure from the T-TPLF stable!

But what irritates the hell out of me is the fact that many — far too many — in the Diaspora Ethiopian media allow themselves to be (un)witting victims and tools of T-TPLF disinformation and propaganda by repeating the phrase “command post”.

I am totally exasperated by the loose, uncritical and mindless use of the phrase “command post” in the Diaspora Ethiopian media (including satellite television, radio programs, foreign-government sponsored media, social media, internet chat rooms, blogs, commentaries and analyses and whatever is left) and by other human rights activists and advocates.

The T-TPLF disinformation machine has made the Ethiopian Diaspora media their echo chamber to parrot “command post” propaganda.

But my complaint goes beyond use of a single phrase to the generally passive and uncritical approach by many in the Diaspora Ethiopian media who unwittingly propagate T-TPLF disinformation ultimately legitimizing that criminal regime.

I will say it again. Far too many in the Diaspora Ethiopian media parrot the phrase “command post” without so much as asking, “What the hell is a ‘command post’ anyway?”

I have asked quite a few well-informed individuals in the Diaspora media to tell me what the “command post” is, the names of its leaders, its structure and how it operates. Suffice it to say that very few have even bothered to read the declaration creating the “command post”.

But I hear and read many in the Ethiopian Diaspora media ranting and raving about the “command post”.

The phrase is repeated so many times in the Diaspora media, to the average listener and reader, it seems to have the effect of that nonsensical magical incantation “abracadabra”.

The “command post” did this or that. “Command post” abracadabra.

I wonder if many in the Ethiopian Diaspora media have ever asked themselves why the T-TPLF has chosen to specifically use the English phrase, “command post”.

The reason to me is obvious, but I am afraid it eludes many!

The reason is that the T-TPLF uses the phrase “command post” to put a soft human face on a brutal and atrocious military regime masquerading as an ad hoc civilian administrative institution. It is smoke and mirrors to mask its brutal nature and manipulate domestic and international public opinion.

The T-TPLF rightly concluded that the unassuming phrase “command post” creates the psychological impression that some benign faceless, nameless and leaderless ad hoc group of civilian country bumpkins is overseeing the “state of emergency”.

The T-TPLF has also calculatedly chosen the phrase “command post” to ultimately avoid legal accountability for those involved in its command, control and operations.

But the so-called “command post” is actually and demonstrably a specialized “MILITARY COMMAND POST”.

There is a world of difference between a “command post” and a specialized “military command post”.

The T-TPLF’s “command post” is to civilian government as a wolf in sheepskin is to sheep. Those running the “command post” in Ethiopia are military commanders wearing civilian designer suits and running a private army consisting of death squads.

By calling it a “command post”, the T-TPLF bosses have rather successfully concealed the fact that its top military commanders operate and control a military within the military just like their state within the state.

The tragedy of it all is that many in the Ethiopian Diaspora media have not been able to figure it out.

So, every day they parrot the phrase “command post”. In doing so, they unwittingly legitimize a criminal MILITARY COMMAND POST as an ordinary civilian disaster emergency command post task force.

It is important to underscore the fact that the official T-TPLF declaration is described as “State of Emergency Command Post.” The T-TPLF uses the English phrase “command post” in all of its official communications.

It is also important to underscore the fact that the “command post” as an authority is not defined anywhere in the declaration. It has a secret command and control structure. The names of the leaders of the command post are not made public. In fact, the “command post” is shrouded in mystery and operates completely in the dark.

So, what is the “command post”?

What is evident in the declaration is the fact that the “command post” is deliberately set up to be a shadowy, nondescript organization created by the “Ethiopian Cabinet of Ministers” and given an absolutely unrestricted license to kill, jail, torture, persecute, prosecute and terrorize the civilian population of Ethiopia at will.

But for the Ethiopian people, the “command post” is a bugaboo, the equivalent of “aya jibo” (the scary hyena cackling in the night until it catches you in the night, in which case it will chew you up and swallow you.)

If we believe the emergency declaration that the so-called Cabinet has yielded and surrendered total and complete authority and power to the “command post”, then it necessarily means that the “command post” is not under civilian control.

That leaves two and only two options.

First, the “command post” is de facto a MILITARY COMMAND POST. The “command post” phrase is deliberately and conveniently used to mislead and mask the realty of martial law. The T-TPLF created the “command post” as a makeshift organization to compensate for the overstretched T-TPLF command and control structure bogged down fighting flaring revolts throughout the country. In such a case, the “command post” would be a military junta by another name.

Second, the “command post” is not connected to he regular military but directs and operates a vigilante private paramilitary force created by the “Cabinet” for the protection of the T-TPLF because the regular military, police and security establishments could not be trusted.

The weight of evidence supports the second formulation. In that case, the “command post” is organized to run and manage a mercenary corp of paid killers and hired guns.

According to Global Security,

Members of the regular law enforcement (comprised of mixed ethnicity) cannot be loyal and trusted by the top people in the Tigrain People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has been ruling Ethiopia for the last 25 years. Agazi is a shadowy semi- autonomous paramilitary group accountable only to a select few senior echelon members of Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The group is named after one of the founding members of TPLF called Zeru Gessesse nicknamed Agazi. The group in real conventional military standard could be categorized as a private army resembling a mercenary group that is hired by war lords to protect their interest. It’s operational command and control is outside of even the Tigray ethnic group dominated national defence structure. It’s main purpose of existence is to ensure the regimes hold on power remains unchallenged.

The Agazi are the T-TPLF’s “dogs of war”, mercenaries and hired killers.

I believe the T-TPLF “command post” is organized specifically to deploy, command and control the Agazi mercenary commando force in its war on the Ethiopian people.

The Agazi mercenary “command post” is militaristic in its organization, command and control and vigilante in its actions since it has complete license to kill, arrest and torture at will.

Since the T-TPLF uses the English phrase “command post” (and not some equivalent in Amharic or other local languages) to describe the entity holding ultimate power under the “state of emergency”, we must assume the T-TPLF means what that phrase means in English.

According to Merriam-Webster, a “command post” is “a post at which the commander of a [military] unit in the field receives orders and exercises command”. The Oxford Dictionary define it as “the place from which a military unit is commanded.” Other dictionaries define it as a “field headquarters used by the commander of a military unit”.

Why do the T-TPLF bosses insist on using an English phrase to describe their command and control structure managing the Agazi mercenary commando units?

Did the T-TPLF bosses consult an English dictionary in choosing the phrase “command post”?

Did they intentionally omit the words “military”, “Agazi” and “commando” (mobile infantry regiment) in their “command post” phraseology?

The fact of the matter is that command posts are quintessentially military organizations anywhere in the world.

A command post “exercises authority and direction by an appointed commander over assigned forces in the accomplishment of a mission. Command and control tasks are performed through a collection of personnel, equipment, communications, facilities, and procedures which are employed by a commander in planning, directing, coordinating, and controlling forces and operations in the accomplishment of that mission.”

A command post is the facility from which command and control is exercised.

There is little doubt that the T-TPLF “command post” is in place to serve as the tactical command and control nerve center of Agazi forces unleashing death and destruction on the Ethiopian people.

That is the real reason for all the secrecy surrounding the T-TPLF “command post”.

The T-TPLF does not want anyone to know that its “command post” is set up to deploy, command and control Agazi forces, a mercenary military force created within the military.

The T-TPLF command post directs, controls and supervises Agazi forces in the field and ensures they accomplish their objectives of suppression of all opposition.

That is exactly what the “command post” directed the Agazi forces to do in the southern town of Moyale last week. Agazi mercenaries went to the town of Moyale and indiscriminately fired on civilians killing and wounding untold numbers and making 50 thousand citizens refugees.

Duck Test for the T-TPLF mercenary Agazi commando “command post”

Suppose you see a bird walking around in a farm yard. This bird has no label on it that says ‘duck’.

But the bird certainly looks like a duck.

In the pond, you notice the bird swims just like a duck.

The bird opens its beak and quacks like a duck. The bird gets out of the pond and walks like a duck. But it is not wearing a label that says “duck”?

Is the bird a duck? Is it an eagle? Is it a chicken or turkey?

Suppose you see a regime that declares a “state of emergency” managed by a “command post” operating in total secrecy and in the dark.

Suppose the “command post” has full powers to massacre and kill at will, make arrests and detentions without any legal accountability and guarantees of future immunity from prosecution, commit torture, crimes against humanity and genocide at will and decommission all civilian laws and trash the constitution.

Is the “command post” a civilian emergency task force or the command and control structure of a mercenary commando death squads?

Such is the state of facts in Ethiopia today!

Part of the T-TPLF disinformation campaign surrounding its “command post” designation is to create a “bandwagon effect”.

The T-TPLF bosses believe that generally speaking many Ethiopians are susceptible to “group think” and “herd mentality”.

The T-TPLF will coin words and phrases that are inherently meaningless and vague and hope through repetition to create and validate a desirable meaning for it.

In coining the phrase “command post” , the T-TPLF bosses hoped few will pay attention and inquire and the vast majority of people will simply repeat the phrase mindlessly.

My message to Diaspora Ethiopian media is this: “Y’all are allowing yourselves to be victims of T-TPLF disinformation. You repeat unquestioningly T-TPLF characterizations of the state of political facts in Ethiopia often hook, line and sinker. Stop it. Wake up. Be critical in analyzing the disinformation and propaganda generated by the T-TPLF. Question every word, phrase and sentence the T-TPLF puts out. Challenge T-TPLF propaganda not only for its truthfulness (that is very easy to do) but for the incalculable psychological damage its disinformation does to the people of Ethiopia. Just be aware that every time you use the phrase “command post” to describe the T-TPLF’s Agazi MILITARY COMMAND POST, you are being played.”You be singing the T-TPLF song.”

The T-TPLF “command post” should uniformly be referred to in the Diaspora Ethiopian media as the “Agazi Mercenary Military Command Post” (AMMCOM).

“Command post” command responsibility and war crimes

Why should it matter calling an Agazi mercenary MILITARY COMMAND POST a “command post”?

Crimes committed directly and indirectly by authority of a military command post are subject to prosecution for war crimes.

I suspect one of the reasons the T-TPLF bosses are using the Agazi mercenary forces, in addition to the fact that they do not trust and fear the multiethnci armed forces, is because they believe they could avoid war crimes charges in the future.

If the massacres, killings, deportation of civilians and other crimes against humanity committed in Oromia and Amhara regions are attributable to the actions or omissions of the T-TPLF’s Agazi mercenary military command post, could those responsible T-TPLF officials be held accountable for war crimes under the Geneva Convention?

There is the 1989 “International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries”, but Ethiopia has not ratified or acceded to the convention.

But Ethiopia is an original signatory to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.

The United Nations General Assembly adopted the Genocide Convention on 9 December 1948. Ethiopia signed it two days later and ratified it on July 1, 1949. It is said that Ethiopia is the very first nation to ratify the Genocide Convention.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly in Paris on 10 December 1948. Ethiopia ratified the Declaration on December 10, 1948.

Ethiopia was once known as an upholder of human rights. Today, Ethiopia is the poster child for government wrongs.

But could command responsibility for war crimes be avoided for war crimes committed by mercenary forces used by a regime?

The genocide that the T-TPLF is committing using its Agazi mercenary military “command post” in Oromia and Amhara regions will one day be held accountable not only under domestic law but also international law.

It is customary international law that “commanders and other superiors are criminally responsible for war crimes committed by their subordinates if they knew, or had reason to know, that the subordinates were about to commit or were committing such crimes and did not take all necessary and reasonable measures in their power to prevent their commission, or if such crimes had been committed, to punish the persons responsible.”

That is why it matters to call the T-TPLF “command post” an “AGAZI MERCENARY MILITARY COMMAND POST”.

“The Ethiopian Government”, pa-leeese!

Here is another phrase that annoys me infinitely when I see it in the Diaspora media: “The Ethiopian government”.

I ask myself:

When the Diaspora media use the phrase “Ethiopian government”, are they referring to the “government” that claimed to have won the 2015 ‘election’ by sweeping 100 percent of the seats in ‘parliament’, or the one that captured 99.6 percent of the seats in 2010?

Are they referring to the ‘Ethiopian government’ that has massacred, tortured, jailed and exiled hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians over the past 27 years?

Are they referring to the “command post government” that is licensed to massacre, jail and torture citizens at will?

Are they referring to the “Ethiopian government” that handed over the port of Assab and made Ethiopia a landlocked country?

Are they referring to the “Ethiopian government” that handed over Badme in arbitration which tens of thousands of young Ethiopians shed their blood to defend?

Are they referring to the “Ethiopian government” that cut a nearly 725 km slice of Ethiopia and secretly handed it over to the Sudan?

Are they referring to the “Ethiopian government” that sold hundreds of thousands of acres of Ethiopian land for pennies to a fly-by-night Indian investor?

Are they referring to the “Ethiopian government” that let millions of Ethiopians die in famines while spending millions on fat cat lobbyists in Washington?

Are they referring to the “Ethiopian government” that created ethnic homelands (Bantustans) called kilils for the people of Ethiopia?

Are they referring to the “Ethiopian government” that “mistakenly” massacred and wounded hundreds of people in the town of Moyale in Southern Ethiopia and drove 50 thousand Ethiopian as refugees in Kenya last week?

If the reference to the “government of Ethiopia” in many parts of the Ethiopian Diaspora media pertains to the group of criminal gangsters who cling to power by stealing elections, massacring, jailing and torturing innocent Ethiopians, then I have to say y’all legitimizing and validating a gang of criminals against humanity as a “government”.

Political scientists make a distinction between democratic governments and authoritarian regimes (dictatorships).

Today T-TPLF operates a garrison state (police state) in Ethiopia.

The T-TPLF state controls and dominates Ethiopia using its security, police and military institutions to cling to power, to plunder the economy and fragment the country to maintain its ethnic apartheid system.

The T-TPLF should never be referred to as a government. It should be properly called a regime with clear reference to the fact that it is a dictatorial, despotic, authoritarian, autocratic, totalitarian and thugocratic.

I have coined a bunch of words and phrases to specifically and accurately describe the TPLF “government” over the past 27 years.

Since at least 2010, I have referred to the “Ethiopian government” as the Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front.

The TPLF is a thugtatorship, a dictatorship of thugs.

If democracy is government of the people, by the people and for the people, a thugocracy is a government of thieves, for thieves, by thieves.

The T-TPLF is a thugtatorship of a gang of ruthless bush thieves, robbers and cut-throats in designer suits.

As I have always said, you can take the thug out of the bush and dress him up in a designer suit. But you can never take the bush out of the thug. That is the way it is. That is thug life!

The TPLF has pretension to democracy and always win by 99.6 or 100 percent.

That is why I coined thugmogracy (a form of “government” in which the facade of representative electoral democracy is used to maintain and perpetuate the iron rule of a gang of bush thugs who use state power to line their pockets and their cronies’ pockets) to describe them.

Thugocrats provide the bureaucratic support for thugtatorships and thugmocracies.

Calling a “government” of thugs a thugtatorship is not hyperbole or exaggeration.

It is stating an objective and demonstrable state of facts. Thugs use power to kill, intimidate, torture and steal on an industrial scale.

Thugs believe and act as if they are unaccountable to anyone. That is why the TPLF thugs massacre, jail and make refugees of untold numbers of innocent Ethiopians. Thugs do not believe they will ever be brought to the bars of justice.

That was what the Nazi thugs Martin Bormann, Karl Doenitz, Hermann Goering, Rudolph Hess, Alfred Jodl, Joachim Ribbentrop, Albert Speer, Fritz Sauckel, Ernst Kaltenbrunner and many others like them believed. They were wrong and in the end they were held accountable.

The T-TPLF is run by by a gang of military and civilian thugs who pretend to be legitimate authorities and officials.

Dressing a hyena in lion’s mane does not change the fact that the hyena is a scavenger; nor does calling a vulture an eagle conceal the true fact.

What I find totally amazing is that the Diaspora media has rarely questioned whether the TPLF regime deserves to be described as a “government”. I am not sure what the problem is. I cannot imagine the Diaspora media calls the TPLF thugtatorship “government” out of some sort of cultural respect.

One need not be a student of linguistics to appreciate manipulation of language in political discourse, indoctrination and thought control.

George Orwell warned that “political language is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind.” So, “War is peace. Freedom is slavery. Ignorance is strength.”

In the tradition of Orwell, I coined a new word to describe the political crapola and manufactured in the TPLF Lie Factory, “liestruth” (lie is truth). The LF in TPLF stands for Lie Factory.

“Liestruth” describes the T-TPLF habit of impudently claiming lies are truth in contradiction of the plain facts. Liestruth ignores inconvenient truths. Thus, dictatorship is democracy. Corruption is integrity. State terrorism is rule of law. State of emergency is state of peace. Dictatorship is democracy. Tyranny is liberty. Poverty is wealth. Famine is plenty. Censorship is press freedom. Brutality is civility. Mendacity is veracity. Opacity is clarity. Shadow is reality. Depravity is morality and greed is good.

In liestruth, political prisoners do not exist, but if they do, now you see them, now you don’t.

Calling the TPLF the “government of Ethiopia government” is like saying war is peace; state terror is the rule of law and a state of emergency is a state of peace.

Those who oppose the reign of terror in Ethiopia must NEVER use the word “government” in connection with the gang of thugs clinging to power.

We should NEVER validate the political claims of the TPLF as a “government”.

We should NEVER become unwitting accomplices of the TPLF by calling it a “government” and legitimizing it by repeating that word in mass communications.

Someone, I am not going to say who, once asked me not to use the word thugtatorship in describing the TPLF. That person never gave me a reason. The lesson I learned was that some people will circle the wagon and in the process reveal who they truly are. There are those amongst us who wear two faces.

I like calling a spade, a spade; a cat, a cat; a hyena, a hyena; a monkey court, monkey court; a thug, a thug even if he is dressed in a designer suit and carries a briefcase (full of cash) and calls himself a “prime minster”, “president”, “general”, “doctor” or whatever bogus title he attaches to his name.

“I calls ‘em like I sees ‘em.” I don’t like to beat around the bush.

Diaspora Ethiopian media and the T-TPLF state of emergency

I see much in the Disapora media about the the “state of emergency” in Ethiopia.

Is Ethiopia in a “state of emergency”?

The T-TPLF declaration that “Ethiopia is under a state of emergency.” is both true and false. Some logicians call such “two-way truths” “dialetheia”.

In my dialethical assertion, the T-TPLF statement that Ethiopia is in a “in a state of emergency” is both true and false.

It is true that Ethiopia has been under a state of emergency since May 28, 1991, the date the T-TPLF rebels marched from the bush and grabbed power. Ethiopians have been under an undeclared, de facto state of emergency police state for the past 27 years.

In 2018, Ethiopia is not under a state of emergency.

The T-TPLF is!

That is exactly what the Ethiopian Diaspora media should be saying.

In 2005, following the election that year in which the T-TPLF lost, the late T-TPLF thugmaster Meles Zenawi declared a state of emergency and imprisoned nearly all leaders of opposition parties and groups, critical journalists and human rights advocates.

In 2009, the T-TPLF issued its so-called anti-terrorism law (Proclamation No. 652/2009) and imposed a thinly veiled de jure (by law) state of emergency.

Under the 2009 “Proclamation”, the T-TPLF has been able to do exactly what it is doing today under its “state of emergency” decree.

That “Proclamation” criminalized as a terrorist act publication of “a statement that is likely to be understood by some or all of the members of the public as a direct or indirect encouragement or incitement to violence.” It authorized warrantless searches and seizure of homes and offices, interception and surveillance on the telephone, fax, radio, the internet, electronic communications. The T-TPLF authorized the admission at trial of unverified intelligence reports, hearsay or indirect surveillance evidence including those gathered by “foreign law enforcement bodies” and “confessions of suspects” including coerced confessions.

The current “state of emergency” decree allows the same thing.

So, is Ethiopia or the T-TPLF under a state of emergency?

The T-TPLF is under a de jure state of emergency today because the people of Ethiopia have been under a 27 year-old de facto state of emergency.

The T-TPLF state of emergency has been a macabre dance of the T-TPLF and the people of Ethiopia. It could be best explained by President John Kennedy’s metaphor of those riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

The T-TPLF has been riding the Ethiopian tiger for over a quarter of a century. The hard truth the T-TPLF learned over the past couple of years is that the day for the T-TPLF to dismount the tiger is at hand.

The T-TPLF can try and prolong riding the tiger by a “state of emergency” decree, an Agazi mercenary commando force or whatever it wants.

But the die is cast: The T-TPLF’s days of riding the Ethiopian tiger is fast coming to an end.

When the T-TPLF dismounts, by hook or crook, it will be looking at the sparkling eyes, gleaming teeth and pointy nails of one big hu(a)ngry tiger!”

So, the only way the T-TPLF can remain in power from day to day is by running its killing machine 24/7/365 and by dividing the people along ethnic, religious, linguistic, regional and other lines.

The T-TPLF today is gripped in a “siege mentality”, a psychological state of emergency. The T-TPLF leaders believe they are completely surrounded by enemies. They feel they are in constant danger from everything and everyone. They are frightened to death by the very people they rule with an iron fist with a trigger finger.

As Robert Holmes argued, “power dissolves when people lose their fear. You can still kill people who no longer fear you, but you cannot control them. Political power requires obedience, which is fueled by the fear of pain to be inflicted if you refuse to comply with the will of those who control the instruments of violence. That power evaporates when the people lose their fear.”

Deep anger and loathing have replaced the people’s fear of the T-TPLF.

That is why the T-TPLF Agazi Mercenary Military Command Post government is under a state of emergency.

The Disapora Ethiopian media UNITED can never be defeated by a T-TPLF Agazi Mercenary Military Command Post!!!

(To be continued…)

ETHIOPIAWINET TODAY.

ETHIOPIAWINET TOMORROW.

ETHIOPIAWINET FOREVER!

The post MERCENARY MILITARY COMMAND POST REIGN OF TERROR IN ETHIOPIA appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban

Eritrea says Ethiopia must move to deal with its chronic internal security crisis instead of finding scapegoats from outside.

This is the position of Information Minister Yemane Gebremeskel in a response to an email query by the Bloomberg magazine. Ethiopian authorities were reported over the weekend to have said neighbouring Eritrea was partly to blame for its internal security headache.

“The regime is desperately trying to deflect attention from its intractable domestic crisis — of its own making — and find external scapegoats,” Yemane said describing the claims as false and one that did not merit a serious response.

The state-owned Ethiopia Broadcasting Corporation late last week quoted the federal police chief as saying Eritrea was trying to destabilize the country by sponsoring anti-peace forces.

Ethiopia is currently under a six-month state of emergency imposed on February 16, 2018. It followed the resignation of Prime Minisiter Hailemariam Desalegn, barely 24-hours earlier.

The government said it was necessary in the wake of spreading violence across the country. The measure was controversially ratified by the parliament in early March in a vote fraught with claims of rigging.

It is not the first time that Ethiopia has accused Eritrea of such acts, neither is it the first time Eritrea is rejecting such claims. The two continue to trade blows over a border demarcation process which dates back to 2002.

Eritrea achieved independence from Ethiopia in 1993 after decades of armed struggle. In 1998, the two neighbouring countries fought a two-year long war over their disputed border which claimed the lives of at least 70,000.

The two countries have had tense relations as a peace deal signed in 2000 to end the war has never been fully implemented.

The post Eritrea to Ethiopia: Deal with your security crisis, stop chasing scapegoats appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Please stop deporting Abi Amare to Ethiopia, where he’ll face a death penalty.
Misguided, the Norwegian government is deporting a well known human rights activist —Abi Amare—for a death penalty to the terrorist regime in Ethiopia.

Mr Abi is among prominent Ethiopian political activists in Norway. He left Ethiopia as a result of an existential threat for his life. Since he moved to Norway, Abi has been very active in Ethiopian politics, an activity that exacerbated his fraught relationship with the tyrant regime in Ethiopia. He is an active member , and organizer in a political organization. It’s sad to learn that ‘The Norwegian Immigration Authority’ refused to offer protection ; as a result of which Abi is waiting for his deportation from Trandum station.

We kindly ask that ‘The Norwegian Immigration Authority’ reconsider its misguided and regrettable decision.

Petition

https://www.change.org/p/the-norwegian-directorate-of-immigration-please-stop-deporting-abi-amare-to-ethiopia-where-he-ll-face-death-penalty

The post Please stop deporting Abi Amare to Ethiopia, where he’ll face a death penalty appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Shiferaw Abebe

There are three “choices” to resolve the current political crisis in Ethiopia.  The first is a cosmetic reform which TPLF has in mind. This reform would start with the inauguration of a new prime minister (the hype is already going through the roof) and could include the release of more political prisoners, amendments to one or more of the most egregious laws (e.g., the anti-terrorism law), and a promise of a  wider political space.

As part of this reform package, TPLF may also agree to grant more autonomy to regional states and an early termination of the SOE if region al states calm down their constituencies. To give a false pretense of seriousness on “bad governance” and corruption, TPLF may purge and/or prosecute a bunch of scapegoats.

On the other hand, under a cosmetic reform, the current ethnic political system would remain untouched; the key positions in the military and the security apparatus would stay in the hands of TPLF; no one of significant position would be held accountable for the thousands of deaths in the last two years alone; and TPLF’s economic empire would be unscathed.  All in all, TPLF would come out of this reform with its political and economic hegemony basically unchanged.

Yet, the few shinny goodies in this package, such as more regional autonomy or a wider political space could potentially lure EPRDF partners with the illusion of exercising more power, and opposition parties with a chance of winning some seats in parliament come next election.  If these two blocks are in the bags, then the West would readily endorse the deal and pledge support to the “reform” process. (The West’s definition of an acceptable reform, courtesy of Rex Tillerson, is the election of a new prime minister, a shorter SOE and a “greater” freedom. Note the key word “greater freedom” which implies Ethiopians are not entitled to full freedom, because we are not “civilized” enough to handle or make good use of it!).

A cosmetic reform is a disastrous outcome for the Ethiopian people on so many levels.

First, as soon as TPLF regains full control, which it will under a cosmetic reform, it will take away every inch of concession it may offer today. The new prime minister, whom ever it will be, will not change the status quo a fair bit even if he wishes, because TPLF will keep him on a short leash. And unless he has both the freedom and the desire to change the political system in a fundamental way by taking immediate and convincing steps towards that goal, he will not have much chance with the people either. These diametrically opposed forces could end up paralyzing the new prime minister even more so than the last one.  TPLF will then take away any autonomy it may grant regional state now. The recent arrest of outspoken or critical senior and midlevel officials in the Oromia Regional is only the harbinger of what will happen on a bigger scale once TPLF regains its footing. TPLF is not only a tyrant, it is a tiny minority that must take away the rights of others in order to exercise a dominant position within and outside of EPRDF. TPLF will also constrict the political space for the opposition parties and will not allow a fair or free election because there is no chance under the heavens it will win a free or fair election.  Rest assured that it will start very soon harassing, intimidating, and dismantling opposition parties, jailing journalists, and human right advocates, and refilling the prisons with new and old prisoners.

Second, if TPLF gets away with a cosmetic reform, it will kill the patriotism and spirit of national unity that has rekindled in the last couple of years.  A country thrives and make a comfortable home for its citizens when its people feel a sense of ownership, belongingness, and patriotism, are full of passion, optimism, promote shared values, respect and love for each other. TPLF has over the past 27 years worked tirelessly to undermine these kinds of intangible, yet invaluable virtues from the Ethiopian body politic. Only fools will expect TPLF to ever change its nature.

Third, a bad reform will keep Ethiopia poor. The country’s fragile economy that has long been supported by borrowed and loaned money is falling apart as we speak and will not turnaround without a change in the political system. Even if the economy stabilizes, it would be TPLF’s mafia economy and the few who are politically or ethnically connected to the regime that will benefit from it. Fundamentally, however, Ethiopia will not grow or attain its full economic potential under a balkanized ethnic political system.  Real economic growth will occur only when human and financial resource are free to move to anywhere they can attain the best returns, which will not happen under the current system which is in place to benefit TPLF.

Real reform or revolution?

As TPLF digs its hills, the chance of real reform through a peaceful process is waning and revolution becomes the option the people will be forced to take. That is always what happens when real reforms are delayed too long or blocked altogether. Unfortunately any revolution will have direct costs and unintended consequences; it result in loss of lives and property, could degenerate into protracted civil conflicts or could be hijacked by the wrong entities. Recent experiences from the so-called Arab Spring give legitimate concerns about such dangers. In Ethiopia’s case, some are afraid that a wide spread ethnic strife could ensue which could possibly lead to the disintegration of the country if the central government were to collapse. This the fear TPLF has hammered all these years to make its tyrannical rule palatable to Western powers and Ethiopians alike.

However, while the dangers of revolutions may not be avoided entirely, they need not be exaggerated or extrapolated too much. Not only Ethiopia is different than the Arab countries in many important respects (culturally, politically, and demographically), it must also be remembered that the main source of ethnic tensions in Ethiopia has been TPLF’s divide and rule agenda and scheme which at this point are defunct, by and large.  In fact TPLF’s real troubles started when the two largest ethnic groups – the Oromo and the Amhara – finally foiled this scheme and reaffirmed their commitment to Ethiopia’s unity and the unbreakable bond to each other.  It follows, fear of inter-ethnic strife must be, on balance, allayed, not heightened by the removal of TPLF from power by any necessary means.

This is not to dismiss TPLF’s more recent naked desperation in stirring up Tigrayans against a bogus claim of Oromo and Amhara animosity towards them, which, surprisingly, appears to gain currency outside of TPLF’s orbit.  There is no denying of the existence of a degree of tension between Tigrayans and the rest of Ethiopians in general, which need to be handled carefully by both Tigrayans and the rest of Ethiopians lest TPLF exploit it to its own selfish and callous objective. However, Tigrayans must appreciate why the rest of Ethiopians could feel differently and, being human, even harbor some hard feelings towards them:  given that TPLF commits horrendous crimes and injustices against them not just as an oppressive government but as a Tigrayan organization too; and given that the security and armed forces that kill, maim, torture, and arrest them are controlled or led by Tigrayans.

In fact, one must acknowledge the magnanimity, the restraint, and the far-sightedness Ethiopians continue to exhibit towards each other in the face of TPLF’s vicious assault on their unity, shared values and history. Ethiopians in the main see the fight as between justice and injustice, democracy and tyranny, freedom and domination. Since the people of Tigray experience the same tyranny under TPLF, it is high time that they respond to the cry of freedom, justice, and equality from their Ethiopian brothers and sisters ignoring the cry of wolf from TPLF. Indeed, if Tigrayans join the struggle, chances are TPLF will be forced to take the peaceful route toward real reform.

TPLF’s gamble                                                                          

TPLF’s choice of a cosmetic reform, even in view of a potential backlash from the people, is a classic case of risk calculation. All risks have a probability of occurrence and a magnitude of impact if they happen. TPLF has assigned a low probability to the chance of a cosmetic reform backfiring or leading to an escalation of the popular uprising (or hopes to control it if it does). If, however, the cosmetic reform angers Ethiopians and leads to a revolution beyond TPLF’s control, TPLF knows there will be dire consequences for it.  A low probability with a high impact means the risk has a low to medium score.

On the other hand, the probability of losing power under a real reform scenario is almost 100 percent for TPLF.  The question is what value is TPLF assigning to the consequence of losing power through a peaceful reform process? In other words what else would TPLF lose if it loses power? Two stand out.

Individuals who are used to exercising some power, let alone absolute power, are neurologically conditioned to think they cannot live without it. A former Canadian prime minister once said, the worst politicians are the ones whose first career choice is politics because they will do anything to hang on to power. One could add, politics is the only choice dictators have in life, so much so that many of them had to be killed to be removed from power. TPLF leaders owe everything they have today- status, wealth, comfort and the rest of it to their political power.  Take away this power, they will become nobodies overnight. The vast majority of them cannot earn an honest and decent living by their own devices.

But dictators hang on to power for another reason – they are scared of justice. TPLF leaders have committed thousands of horrendous crimes over a 27 year period.  They have directly or indirectly caused the death of thousands of innocent lives; they have directly or indirectly inflicted life-long damages to a great many Ethiopians by bullet wounds, beatings, tortures and inhumane treatments in jails; and they have committed illegal business dealings, engaged in unparalleled corruption, and have looted billions of dollars from a poor country where millions starve year in year out.

If they locked up former Derg officials for decades, they must be afraid that their fate could be worse.

The second consequence relates to what could happen to the economic empire TPLF built, specifically the so-called Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT), which is estimated to be worth upwards of $3 billion. Most of this wealth is built by illegal, corruptive, and conniving methods, often at the expense of the national economy and by crowding out the private sector.

Some say the main beneficiaries of EFFORT are a few families within TPLF’s leadership circle.  That is not entirely true; EFFORT and its sister organizations –  Relief Society of Tigray and Tigray Development Association – have been potent instruments of TPLF’s economic agenda of skewing the distribution of the national wealth and economic opportunities in favor of Tigray. Yes, the majority of the people of Tigray are still poor like the rest of Ethiopians but one must remember that Tigray would not have been the location of many of the agro and manufacturing industries it now houses if it were not for the deliberate inequitable policies and practices of TPLF, not just as Tigray organization but, more importantly, as a ruling party.

Crime and forgiveness

Given the certainty of losing power under a peaceful political reform, a higher chance of being locked up for the rest of their lives and losing all their economic lootings will make betting on a cosmetic reform a better risk choice.  So the question is can the consequences of losing power peacefully mitigated so that TPLF choses real reform over revolution?

To start with the fate of TPLF’s mafia economy, a real political reform must lead to the nationalization and then privatization of all party owned businesses (including the ones owned by ANDM, OPDO and SEPDO).  There cannot be any rationale for a consolation prize to TPLF or the other parties on this.  What could be conceded to those regions in whose cover name these party-owned business are currently run is that the current employees, except the executives, are allowed to keep their jobs.  Similarly, the current location of these businesses and their headquarters remains where they are today, although future expansions will likely happen anywhere in the country based on pure economic or commercial considerations of their future private owners. What this means is, as home of the largest party owned businesses, Tigray will, for example, continue to benefit from the employment and the spillover opportunities of these businesses while the proceeds from the privatization of these businesses will accrue to the national (federal) government on behalf of the Ethiopian people as a whole.

The more troublesome issue is what could happen to TPLF (and EPRDF) leaders on account of the heinous crimes they committed over the past 27 years? This could be the most challenging legal, political, emotional, and ethnical question the nation will face in the near future. It would not matter if TPLF is kicked out of power tomorrow or ten years from now, the blood of so many innocent Ethiopians will keep crying for justice. How can the country serve justice while at the same time move forward on a path of reconciliation with its past.

For most Ethiopians who have strong religious roots, forgiveness could be a substitute for punishment if asked for genuinely and granted freely. That is what happened in South Africa two decade ago, for example. But forgiveness and reconciliation can happen if the guilty takes the first step towards that process. In all places where freedom was earned by blood, no forgiveness was granted to those who caused the bloodshed. If F.W. de Klerk didn’t take the courageous route of dismantling the apartheid system at the cost of his own position and power, many white South Africans, including himself would probably have traded places with Nelson Mandela and headed to Robben Island for the rest of their lives.

So could be the case with TPLF leaders. If they allow a peaceful transition of the country to democracy even at this 11^th hour, if they show a presence of some conscience to spare further loss of lives and property by accepting the path of real and fundamental political reform, then they would also create the opportunity for forgiveness and reconciliation.

If they redo their risk calculation with this in mind, they will see that real reform is their better choice.

One can only hope!

Shiferawabebe1@gmail.com

The post The choice between reform and revolution in Ethiopia appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Michael Jones
Commentary, 19 March 2018
Horn of Africa

The resignation last month of Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn has shaken the assumption that the East African state is a ‘bastion of stability’ in an unstable region.

The post An Unstable Ethiopia: Wobbles in Addis Ababa appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

South Sudan regime spokesman and Minister of Information and Broadcasting Michael Makuei Lueth captured on camera threatening to expel Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission from South Sudan(Photo: file)

Mar 20th 2018 (Nyamilepedia) – South Sudan government said Ethiopia has its own problems to solve rather than hosting South Sudan’s warring parties to solve their problems. This come after the IGAD mediation is set to discuss South Sudan’s civil war next week.

According to the South Sudanese’s information minister Michael Makuei Leuth, the government “want the venue of our peace talks to be changed because we don’t want our peace talks to be suspended because of the problems in Ethiopia” he told Radio Tamazuj on Monday.

Makuei proposed that “The talks can be hosted either by Djibouti or Kenya and Uganda, but Somalia, Sudan and South Sudan are out of question.”

He said “As you know very well that the issue of Ethiopia’s Prime Minister who is also the chairperson of IGAD has not yet been solved.”

In February, the IGAD suspended the peace talks after the opposition and the government failed to reach a deal over issues regarding the governance and security arrangement. Government also refused to sign provision which would see ceasefire violators prosecuted. ceasefire violators prosecuted.

Peace talks is expected to take place in late March between the government the Opposition coalition.

Source: Nyamilepedia

The post South Sudan Gov’t Says Ethiopia No more Suitable to Host Peace Talks Since Ethiopia Needs Its Own Peace Talks appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Mogos Asghedom Adwa
Tigrai Online, March 19, 2018

Ignorant Ethiopian extremists think that the mere fact their larger population inhabits a larger Ethiopian landmass is a God given right to dominate other people

Tyranny: If you Google the word tyranny, you get the following three illustrative meanings: (a) cruel and oppressive government or rule; (b) a nation under cruel and oppressive government; and (c) cruel, unreasonable, or arbitrary use of political power. You can use all or one to describe the type of democracy the greedy sellouts (traitors), extremists, ethnocentric nationalists, and chauvinists are struggling to impose on all Ethiopians.

Ethnocentrism is a dangerous mentality. It means judging another culture solely by the values, norms, and standards of one’s own culture. Ethnocentric individuals judge other groups relative to their own ethnic group or culture, especially regarding language, behavior, customs, religion, and all sorts of benefits (social, economic, and political). Ethnocentrism may be overt or subtle.

People born into a particular culture who grow up absorbing the values and behaviors of that particular culture are bound to develop a worldview that considers their culture to be the rule everyone must follow. When they experience other cultures that have different values and normal behaviors, they consider the behavioral patterns in the other cultures as inappropriate, because they think that their cultural traditions and history are superior to those of others. This attitude has tragic consequences. The extremists must trade their behavior very carefully.

Abuse and misuse of democracy: Originating from ancient Greek Philosophy, democracy means government of the people for the people by the people. It projects to the mind a great mystifying goodwill for all. To whatever extent it sounds and feels mysterious, however, it is just a human construct. That is why a democratic governance system remains an elusive human endeavor.

A true democracy is a socially sanctioned, constitutionally enshrined, and legally enforced system of social contract, which is a legally binding agreement between the governing and the governed in an adaptive effective governance system. Its overarching goal is to foster justice for all through an equitable and a genuine sustainable development.

However, we ought to be mindful that there are and there always will be self-serving greedy individuals or groups that are more than willing to serve interests of external forces. Paid “subsistence-minimum wages”, they are always willing to be messengers and mercenary dogs of war to destroy their Motherland, Ethiopia.

Ethiopia’s total biosphere belongs to all Ethiopians: Some ignorant extremists think that the mere fact their larger population inhabits a larger Ethiopian landmass is a God given right to dominate and subjugate other nations, nationalities, and peoples in all aspects of life, including cultural, social, economic, and political. They abuse and misuse the majority rule principles of democracy. They invoke democracy to mobilize their gullible youth in the homeland to fight and die for them, while they, with their families, enjoy luxurious lifestyles, devouring American hamburger day-in-day-out. They are determined to make Ethiopia a failed State, as one of the tragically failed nations, such as Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Somalia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, Afghanistan, Libya, and South Sudan. These failed countries are spoils of the West’s Neoliberal Imperialism of this 21^st Century. What the extremists do not seem to understand is that other nations, nationalities, and peoples are monitoring their daily behavior; that they are under the radar of the national security system; and that they might face a day of reckoning from an annihilating power of the true national heroes and heroines.

Three Distinctly Different Successive Governance Systems: A Comparative Sketch

This is a very sketchy note intended to provoke thoughts of those Ethiopians who witnessed it all, like myself. How the three distinctly different Ethiopia’s governance systems that of the Imperial Era of Emperor Haile Selassie, that of the Marxist-Leninist Military Junta, and that of the current Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) are highlighted. We can compare the weaknesses and strengths (if any). Those of us, who witnessed and are witnessing it all, do not need special academic credentials to compare them, because we have been and are the subjects.

The Imperial Era (1930–1974)

Absolute political power was vested in the Emperor Because the 1931 Constitution was deemed not giving enough power to him, a new constitution was enshrined in 1955. This constitution declared Emperor Haile Selassie as a descendant of King Solomon of Israel and Ethiopia’s Queen of Sheba; his primacy was exercised through appointment of officials; control of the armed forces and foreign affairs; and oversight of the judiciary. Parliament was empowered only to approve treaties; the Emperor had the final say: he had an absolute power to dissolve the Parliament.

Executive power was vested in the Emperor. The “Ministers of the Empire” derived their authority from His Majesty, Emperor Haile Selassie, the Elect of God, the King of Kings, and the Lion of Judah. This sounds laughable-funny title of a national leader. However, in a country of ignorance, chronic poverty, subjugation, and much more social ills, that type of title was acceptable; and was used as one of the instruments of suppression. That long-funny title was intended to mystify his human nature, some spirit sent from the Heavens. Formation of political parties was out of question. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church was defined as the State’s Church; and its organization and administration were made subject to secular law. The Church retained autonomy only in matters of monastic life and spiritual affairs. But, its influential role as instrument of governance was highly significant. Entitlements to all fertile lands of Ethiopia were given to those who served the Emperor.

Land tenure system the key feature of feudalism: Until the revolution of 1974, the non-producers remained the possessors of the means of production (e.g., land and capital). These absentee feudalists and capitalists extracted surplus of labour through a host of pressures, including force. Surplus extraction took the form of: (a) corvée labour (unpaid labour service) required of the peasants imposed on them by the nobility, feudalists, and aristocrats), (b) tribute, (c) rents, (d) cash, and (e) share-cropping. A whole array of political and ideological institutions was necessary to enforce these socially, economically, and politically exploitative relations. Coercion and the structure of the law played the major role. The country had an extremely complex land tenure system; these instruments of oppression and exploitation were excessively used. Land tenure outside the sparsely populated pastoralist areas fell under two categories: The first was vested with kinship group under the Rist land tenure system,, while the second was called Gult, a special term for an Imperial grant land. The Crown also granted fertile lands to the Monophysite Coptic Church, which was the most effective instrument of silencing the masses.

Sins of cultural assimilation:  Culture is a shared way of life and the most important identity of a given society. Traditional knowledge, history, norms, values, language, faith, customs, folkways, mores (moral/ethical rules), arts and entertainment (theatre, music, dance, literature, movie, and paintings), buildings, architecture, dress, food, and similar specifications define national culture. As a shared way of life, culture is a vehicle for: (a) building social capital, which is the foundation of social cohesion and stability, which usher in genuine sustainable development, (b) environmental quality and sustainability, and (c) resilient communities, and much more benefits that improve human well-being. During the Imperial Era, however, a process of cultural assimilation and dehumanization – deprivation of all requirements for human dignity, self-esteem, and freedom – were institutionalized political norms of the feudal aristocratic rule of Emperor Haile Selassie.

None Amhara nations, nationalities, and peoples were denied their fundamental rights, freedoms, and culture. Let it be clear here, however, that the Amhara masses, the ordinary Amhara people like most of us all, had nothing to do with the evil acts of the Imperial elite class. The ruling class strictly enforced the assimilative process of Amharanization. It used this process as an instrument of subjugation and domination in order to divide and rule Ethiopians. The outcome was that neither an Amhara nor a non-Amhara community benefited from the cruelty of assimilation, dehumanization, exploitation, impoverishment, and pacification strategies of the Imperial Rule. All Ethiopian masses were victims of the shameful-abject poverty, which brought the unceremonious demise of the Emperor.

The Tragic Era of the Marxist-Leninist Military Junta (1974 – 1991)

In 1974, a revolution the Ethiopian working class, teachers, students, and an assortment of the petty bourgeoisie elements, overthrew the aristocratic feudal system of the Emperor. Gone with the Emperor were the archaic feudal land tenure system, the monarchical monopoly of political power, and the nascent national bourgeoisie, which clung tenaciously to the imperial coat tails, with an unusual political myopia to the very end.

To the absolute dismay of the Ethiopian people, however, the national defence forces betrayed the popular revolution. Using its KGB apparatus, the Soviet Union, which was anxiously looking for a foothold in the Horn of Africa to counter balance the sphere of influence of the West, infiltrated the civilian Revolutionary Council and the newly coordinated National Defence Council. The KGB of the Soviet Union helped the soldiers, most of whom illiterate, to take over the political power from the civilian council of internationally and nationally highly regarded intellectuals. Most of the intellectuals who openly opposed involvement of the Soviet Union were executed summarily; some were imprisoned, while others were lucky to flee the country to save their lives. Highly bureaucratised, command and control socio-economic programs were proclaimed. By several military decrees that were full of hysteria and paranoia, a number of social, economic, and institutional changes were made to please the Soviets: land was nationalized; State farms were established; forced resettlements and collectivisation were implemented; peasants were taxed heavily; all private financial institutions (banks) and industries were nationalized; and all private rental houses and apartments were expropriated.

The military junta used a network of strictly controlled institutional arrangements to stay in power at any cost, fighting a devastating civil war. Failure of the misguided policies, the civil war, drought, and famine were the causes of the 1984/85 catastrophe to which the people of this ancient country were subjected. Consequently, the Russian Communism superstructure collapsed on May 20^th, 1991, when the democratic forces victoriously captured the capital city, Addis Ababa. What next?

Birth of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (1991–Present)

Twilight of a democratic developmental State flickered on May 20^th, 1991 throughout the Ethiopian State’s landscape. Democratic forces that waged a bitter war for 17 years defeated the military junta that ruled Ethiopia since 1974. When they realized that they were on the verge of victory, the democratic forces had formed a united front known as Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF); and were ready with their version of governance system to rule the country. To that end, however, there was a reconciliation and consensus building process: In July 1991, the EPRDF convened a national conference attended by representatives of some 20 political organizations to discuss Ethiopia’s political future and to establish a transitional government.

After winning well-coordinated elections, the EPRDF formed a government. At the outset, it had made it clear that it was determined to make history of its own by transforming the social, economic, and political landscape of the country.  A brand new Ethiopian Constitution was proclaimed in May 1994. The following introductory paragraphs capture the full spirit of that Constitution:

We, the nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia:

Strongly committed, in full and free exercise of our right to self-determination, to building a political community founded on the rule of law and capable of ensuring a lasting peace, guaranteeing a democratic order, and advancing our economic and social development;

Firmly convinced that the fulfillment of this objective requires full respect of individual and people’s fundamental freedoms and rights to live together on the basis of equality and without any religious or cultural discrimination;

Further convinced that by continuing to live with our rich and proud cultural legacies in territories we have long inhabited, have, through continuous interaction on various levels and forms of life, built up common interests and have also contributed to the emergence of a common outlook;

Fully cognizant that our common destiny can best be served by rectifying historically unjust relationships and by further promoting our shared interests;

Convinced that to live as one economic community is necessary in order to create sustainable and mutually supportive conditions for ensuring respect for our rights and freedoms;

Determined to consolidate, as a lasting legacy, the peace, and the prospect of a democratic order which our struggles and sacrifices have brought about;

Have, therefore, ratified, on 8 December 1994, this constitution through representatives we have duly elected for this purpose as an instrument that binds us in a mutual commitment to fulfill the objectives and the principles set forth above.

After the Constitution’s official proclamation, the EPRDF initiated several strategic directions, including: (i) giving priority to peasant agriculture; (ii) enhancing the quality of the labour force; (iii) supporting hitherto neglected communities, which were identified in the Constitution as nationalities and peoples; (iv) devolution of State power to the Regional States; (vi) attaining self-sufficiency in food; (vii) determining an effective socioeconomic developmental role for the State; (viii) encouraging foreign investment by creating a free market economy and a conducive social, economic, and political climate; (ix) encouraging and supporting State governments to give priority to environmental rehabilitation and rural development; and (x) letting peasant farmers free to make their own economic decisions than had ever been before.

These and similar strategic policy directions created twilight of hope for peace and prosperity. Although not described as such, to the keenly honest observer, a uniquely Ethiopian an adaptive democratic developmental State that fosters learning-by-doing was born. However, the Front defeated itself: a quagmire of absolute corruption overwhelmed it. EPRDF became highly vulnerable to the wishes and actions of the externally funded narrow nationalist extremists and traitors, who targeted Tigrai and Tigraians to their savagery and racist massacres and destruction of properties in the Oromia and Amhara Regional States. Thousands of Tigraians were killed; some were internally displaced; and others were deported. Was there a national government?

Tragedies of Arrogance, Ignorance, and Greed

As pointed out in the introductory paragraph, blind faith in size has tragic consequences. The extremist elements do not seem to be able to predict the hell their actions might take them, because their arrogance, ignorance, and monetary greed have blinded them. These residual human elements do not hesitate to abuse and misuse the meaning of democracy to fulfil their wild ambitions to dominate and subjugate other nations, nationalities, and peoples. They do not understand that true democracy has multiple guiding principles, which include primacy of the rule of law, accountability, transparency, collective decision-making, equality, collective voice (universal suffrage), civil liberties and civil rights, strong nationalism, and obligations to serve the masses.

In the recent Ethiopian case, however, there is mounting evidence that extremist elements abused and misused the true meaning of democracy. For example, fragility of the EPRDF’s governance apparatus exposed Tigraians to the savagery of the Amhara and Oromo bandits. For example (to save the reader’s time), it was shocking to hear and watch through multiple media outlets that Tigraians, in their own country, being harassed, bitten, and killed in Bahir Dar and Gondar cities. From their hideouts in Asmara, Eritrea, the terrorist organization built underground network of flash-mob hooligans; and unleashed genocidal rampages during the months of July and August 2016 against Tigraians, who lived for generations in their own Motherland, Ethiopia’s Amhara Regional State. For the mere fact that they were Tigraians, hundreds were mobbed and massacred; their properties were ransacked and torched; and more than 8,000 of them, including mothers and their children, were forced to escape to neighboring North Sudan. Although smaller in magnitude, Tigraians were subjected to similar atrocities in the Oromia Regional State also.

The Federal and the Amhara and Oromia Regional governments failed to protect citizens, the Tigraians. Why? Big question: history will tell. In any case, the people of Tigrai’s patience, farsightedness, and perseverance were and are admirable, deserving the highest national medal. They did not rise up in anger instantaneously to retaliate, although they were capable of doing just that. Their history teaches us that they know very well when to hit back hard to score decisive victories; and when not to do so.

The people of Tigrai understood very well that the above highlighted tragedies in the Amhara and Oromo regions were provocations of the extremists who wished for a nationwide social upheaval and eventual downfall of the current government. They failed miserably, thanks to the Tigraian culture of bravery, farsightedness, and cool headedness. As they say, taking high moral ground pays-off more than retaliatory immediate reactions like the cowards. Thus, Tigraian patriotism remains intact; Ethiopia is in peace; and the wishes of all Ethiopia’s enemies, such as Ginbot-7, Shaébia, and some of the Arab countries –particularly Egypt’s – were dashed. By the way, the Egyptians need to be reminded to re-read and learn lessons from the humiliating defeats their ancestors were subjected to at the battlefields of Gundet, Guraé, Senhit, and Aylet in the hands of Raési Alula Aba-Nega, the only African general who scored this type of series of victories in one region, Eritrea.

In closing, self-serving chauvinist elements of the Amhara and Oromo ethnicity, who have become messengers of Ethiopia’s enemies, will never succeed in blocking Ethiopia’s pathways to a complete renaissance under the modern federal democratic republic governance system. This is a unique governance model, which uniquely fits well to Ethiopia’s geographic, sociocultural, history, economic, and political features. It has started to respond to the wishes of all Ethiopians. It is worth fighting for its sustainability!

The only best pathways to prosperity:

Believing in unity in diversity

Living in peace and harmony

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The following are some of the comments given by others about the above article (Source Tigraionline)

we will post more comments in the coming days!

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Man · march 19 2018

The EPRDF government waited too long to counter attack the social media war that was unleashed on the Ethiopian youth by Neftegna Amhara and confused Oromian who comfortably reside in Western Europe and North America Now we all know who behind all unrest all over Ethiopia is number one enemy is top dog Essayas Afeworki and the EPRDF government failed to finish him when they got him cornered and tightened up the ropes around his neck instead they came with nonsense no war no peace policy which kept the Tigrean and innocent Eritrean people under darkness for over 20 years. Now top dog essays is on driver seat and commanding the situation in the entire country. Hey the Tigrean people suffering from the day they liberated Ethiopia from fascist Derg jaws. They don’t deserve this and the government failed again to protect them from hooligans,lawless and coward criminals who burned company property and dismembered innocent defenseless innocent citizens why is no one is accountable? How long do the innocent Tigrean have to suffer? Hey don’t get it twisted they’re scared if that’s the plan and if it’s you guys know damn well eye for an eye you wouldn’t want to happen. But the Tigrean people are the most humble and caring people the world gave them high mark retaliation against those criminals would have been justified but then again they kept quiet until they finished what they started other than that you guys are no chances of killing single Tigrean. In the meantime I hope the EPRDF government should elected who ever and complete the Ethiopian renaissance Dam then if backward Arabs dogs Neftegna Amhara and confused Oromian keep doing the same destruction there’s no choices but protect our people and country by any means necessary. And I hope not but if comes to that I sure the biggest loser would be Neftegna Amhara. Therefore those alcoholics and dishwashers in Washington DC should think twice before singing alcohol fueled emotional patriotic song with enemy of Ethiopia. Coward losers you don’t like EPRDF go the field is wide open you don’t run the government behind seven eleven cash registers be a man Arab dogs and no matter what the great Ethiopian renaissance Dam will be completed ahead of schedule and the we’ going to name ( the great Meles Dam) I know it’s hard to swallow it but too bad take like a man it’s done deal. God bless Ethiopia death to enemy Arabs and their chihuahuas.

Erta . march 19 2018

The Ethiopian government has been late the deal with the bush rat shabia
The government has been late to deal with toxic ethnicbased poltics
The ethiopian governmnt has been late reform the political system of the country that has been ethnic based after 27 years of feild experiment
The ethiopian governmnt has failed to resdistric localities so that different et hnic groups can live together
Going forward

1.Prime minster, Dr Abyi. When that becomes a reality Oromia will erupt with joy, and the people of Oromo will do a lot to Ethiopia more than anyone in Ethiopia history. I just fell the Oromo leadership being so ready to take this role of bleadership of the country, I just fell it.
2.Lemma Megerssa foreign minister
3.Change the defense minster and put some one who can make decision to annihilate Eritrea.
4.Lift SOE but keep the security structure build on it
Add 100,000 military personell to push the armed forces to 400,000- 500,000
5.Give amnesty to all diaspora community so that they can contribute in a positive way to Ethiopia democracy
6.Most importantly put not one or two but four plans to deal with eritrea and all the plans on the table should be executed on timely manner with tangible goals and measured results in given time frame.

Erta · march 19 2018

We are neither lion or elephant, we are all the same animal, ethiopian. This is something I don’t like about TPLF, labelling Ethiopians left and right, for little political gain losing sight of the big picture.
The center piece of the articles seems to suggest that a majority asking of thier share of the pie being worng. The majority implied in the article seems to be the Oromo people. I think there is no more Ethiopian than Oromo in the country.
Unfortunately, the Oromo people have been labelled as anti ethiopian, seeking a state hood of their own, if that is the case so be it. But, the matter of the fact is the labeling has been inserted to Oromo politcians mind by Amahar people and consecutive Ethiopian leaders and Oromo political leaders took the labelling and stuck it in culture of Oromo people. This is done to exclude Oromo polticians from ruling the country so that ethinic group like Amhara and Tigray people can have monopoly of ruling the country. Oromo liberation never took a root not because of lack of effort from Oromo politcians but because Oromo people never put their heart in it. Most Oromo people believe that they belong to Oromo and ethiopia belongs to Oromo people. Just evaluate the last two years of ethiopian politics compare it with the last 40 years Oromo political elites to create Oromo statehood as soon as Oromo politcians turn around and claimed the big portion of the pie, as ethiopia being part of their economic and political life the whole Oromia has gain a new political life all oromosbeing involved in all walks of life, moving all Oromia people. This has been what Oromia politcians missing, where ordinary Oromo People’s heart has been resting in terms of their identity, ethiopian Oromo. I am gurage from sodo. My grand parents lived in tulubuolo. I have great relationship and happy life with my Oromo people. The sodo people are 99% orthodox Christian and most Oromia in closed proximity also were orthodpx. We celebrated most of holidays together. I still have memories of Oromo people with thier decorated horses that came to join us in every single holiday. The Oromo people are as Ethiopian as any one can imagine. The political game, labelling Oromo as aleian entity must stop. The Oromo politicans should understands labelling Oromo people seeking state hood has been used to eliminate Oromo politcians not to come to rule the country. This politcal labelling has been used by Amahra and Tigray elite. Oromo politcians with the help of Oromo people and with other all justices loving ethiopia’ should take the Thorne. Thank Lemma Megerssa, bringing out ethiopianism from yourself and all Oromo, most Oromo people seems came out of the closet, so do speak about their ethiopian identity.
As far as the next ethiopian prime minster goes, I don’t want any ethnic group to be the next Ethiopian prime minster but someone from Oromo. It is time to give the nation leadership role to Oromo people. I want the Oromo elite given the prime minster post to make or break ethiopia’s future. In my judgment an Oromo ethiopian leaders will do a marvelous job as a leader of the country.

Man · march 19 2018

Erta! Don’t even go there because you can’t have both ways. Check the facts, the majority of Oromian was nothing but not even second class citizens the Tigrean people fought and gave them their freedom with out firing single shot and they turn around massacring innocent Tigrean who shade their blood for their freedom. Listen I’m Tigrean Ethiopian and I never knew how some of Oromian savage they’re and all my entire outlook is changed for ever because I couldn’t believe how in the world people deported and treated like this in their country, I don’t understand why the Tigrean targeted by Neftegna Amhara and confused Oromian. I remember not long ago I didn’t think they had one university now Erta! You’re telling us what wrong for asking for share pie? What pie you’re talking about? For the first time we have Oromian President and Defense minister don’t you think this is fare? I know and you know the Oromian and the Neftegna Amhara are not about freedom but their natural jealousy behavior the drifted them apart from reality and chose to work for Egyptian, Isn’t it Treasoneous crime against their own people? I don’t know about you but for it’s way way our reality and no matter what they tried the Ethiopian renaissance Dam will be completed ahead of schedule and we will name it after the father of new Ethiopia Meles Zenawi.

Goodalo · march 19 2018

This article is the type of article that only sheabians write. Tigreans are humble and mature, they do not write an article full of arrogance . The author of this article does discuss important points. I agree of the fact that majorty groups do not own the birth rights to tyranny . However, I feel that the author could discuss these important points without talking about Tigrean retaliation . Yes the law should definitely catch up to ignorant racist who have committed crime, but no Tigrean should retaliate based on ethnicity . If we do that we Ethiopians become the weopen of our enemies .

Desta Kahsay · march 19 2018

The article was will written and it has a excellent point regarding the OROMO and AMHARA majority topic. Before I go on I want to state that the majority topic is a very important subject to stress on daily basis.. We know the OROMO and AMHARA elite’s want to use this ideology number to politically advance their AGENDA by all means even if poor foolish OROMO and AMHARA on both side die. Now the question that has to be raised everyday is HOW DID AMHARA AND ESPECIALLY OROMO BECAME THE NUMBER ONE AND TWO LARGEST ETHNIC GROUP’S IN ETHIOPIA. As for OROMO we already know how they became the number one ETHNIC they stolen 80% of Somalian’s land. If we ask this very intelligent question I promise you any person with right mind will find and see this so-called OROMO and AMHARA ETHNIC movement was will planned very long go. I would also argue this ETHNIC largest group’s movement was will set on motion even during MELES ZENAWI, EAR I also believe that the OROMO and AMHARA elite’s MURDER OUR GREATEST 21st century leader so that we would be in this predicament. With MELES ZENAWI, being gone the OROMO elites and AMHARA elite’s were waiting for this perfect opportunity to strike on TIGRAY citizen’s and our TPLF partly. My advice to my TIGRAY people I say think about it and tell me that i am crazy and I promise I will come out with more fact and I will connect the dots.
I swear the more I think about the OROMO and AMHARA scheme the more it makes sense and clear.

የከፋው · march 19 2018

Sometimes it makes you to wander if the Ethiopian government knows its friends and enemies. If you are not a puppet government, you can not have peace in your own country. They come to your country as missionaries. They come as human rights advocates while there are many human rights violations in their country. The Ethiopian government has work extra hard to win its people’s heart. The Ethiopian people will figure it out the subotage that is going on against their country. The problem is, the Ethiopian government it self is self serving and it is partially part of the problem. The oppositions, I don’t understand how they think they are going to govern Ethiopia even if they get the chance. They already installed the worst decision amongst Ethiopians wors than they propogate against the government. To me, they really chicken heads. Ethiopia is a great country with great people. It’s because of its strategic position that other countries are envying her other wise Ethiopia has never been an agressor to its neighbours. I am beginning to my fellow Ethiopians to be patient and vigilant. Governments are coming and going but our country and our people will be there for ever. So let’s not install hate among our people. Once hate is installed, it will be so difficult to undo. So we have to be careful. May God watch our peace loving people and country.

Shewangizaw · march 19 2018

Ato Mogos, in this day and age with social media being used aggressively by both government and opposition to make their cases, we could have seen pics of brutally massacred Tigrians in Gondar or elsewhere. The only photo I saw is the “gejera” attack on an ex Tagay and his wife in Shashemene ( which is a sad thing and it shouldn’t have happened). The hundreds and thousands dead you mentioned is just a complete exaggeration.
It is very sad that TPLF brought a semblance of democracy, but it was an ethnic based political parties exercise. Look, I don’t mind if kilil is based on ethnicity and/or languge. The problem I have is with the formation of parties solely based on ethnicity. In democracy majority rules; therefore if one or two ethnic groups are majority and merge together, they can win elections unless its rigged for indefinite time. But, if people from different ethnic backgrounds and hail from different Kilil for a political party (could be liberal, socialist, green, etc…), then the size of an ethnic group doesn’t matter. Otherwise, in an ethnically charged political party of course size matters.

Deqi Anadil · march 19 2018

The word coming out from EPRDF meeting is the four core groups of Tigray, Amhara, Gallaa and Southern nationalities will be abolished and they will be one the way used to be pre-struggle. Yap, that is what Tigrayans are good to destroy their own people for 17 years mindless struggle and when you have a chance to solve Tigray problems they want us to go back the one Ethiopia Amhara agenda.

Can Tigrayans think beyond their belly and for next year than just today like camels. Right now, Sebhat Nega is the only one challenging Gallaa and Amhara the other Tigrayans are ready to submit to the Amhara and Gallaa control of Tigray. How long can we do what Sebhat is standing for the organization, what will happen after Sebhat, he is not youth any longer and the fate of Tigray will be buried when Sebhat is no long with the organization.

Tigray open you eyes and think hard through your brain than your belly and heart Tigray will not have any chance to coexist with Amhara and Gallaa after what took place for the last 50 years. The damage is done so badly and Tigray must secure its looted lands and better to dismantle than live Tigrayans for the hyenas they cannot defend themselves. There is nothing Tigray to gain from the current unity after the elder Woyane members are gone and the military is under the control of Amhara and Gallaa. What are you expecting Tigray to lose if we dismantle the country, there is nothing to lose rather Tigray will regain its looted lands and it will be more than enough food to chew with dignity. Tigray has very good chance to bring Somali, Afar, Qimant, Beneshangule and Gambela and right there 50% the country resources will be with us but fewer population and no more bickering with Amhara and killing with savage Gallaa. Tigray should not look about Gallaa and Amhara let them have Addis Ababa and their Kilil without the looted land of Tigray and Tigray will be in a better position than leaving Tigrayans with Amhara and Gallaa. Do you really care about the map of Ethiopia than Tigray to give up our struggle, what went wrong with Tigray brains???

WEDI HAGER · march 19 2018

THIS IS PURE , AND CRYSTAL CLEAR , WE THE TPLF HAVE TO FINISH ISAYAS AND HIS DOGS. WE CANNOT WAIT FOR , AMARA OR OROMO , BECAUSE THEY ARE WAITING UNTIL SERIUS DAMAGE IS DONE , OVER TEGARU AND , ETHIO SOMALI THEN THEY WILL FINISH ERITREA TOO , FOR THIS YOU CAN BE SURE , AFRTER ALL WE ARE ALL TIGRIGNA SPEAKING .
WHAT DO THEY HAVE IN COMMON , AMARA WITH HAILESSELASIE ?
HULU LERASIE , SELFISHENESS, AND GREEDY .

The post Tyranny of Size in a Fragile Democracy: The Ethiopian Case appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban

Ethiopia must deal with its home generated security crisis and stop using Eritrea as a smokescreen, this is the view of a former United States Assistant Secretary of State.

Herman Cohen on Monday waded into renewed claims by Ethiopia that neighbouring Eritrea was backing groups aimed at destabilizing the country.

Cohen described the Ethiopian claims as false and averred that the current security crisis in the country was “self-inflicted by a minority kleptocratic regime,” in apparent reference to the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF).

Ethiopia is currently under a state of emergency imposed on February 16 this year, a day after Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn resigned his position to allow for political reforms.

The ruling coalition, the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) is set to meet to elect his successor. The country is currently under a Command Post administering the state of emergency.

The latest accusation against Eritrea was by the federal police chief who whiles giving a briefing on the state of emergency late last week, reportedly cited Eritrean involvement in the crisis. The Eritrean Information minister dismissed the claims in an email exchange with Bloomberg.

“The regime is desperately trying to deflect attention from its intractable domestic crisis — of its own making — and find external scapegoats,” Yemane Ghebre Meskel said describing the claims as false and one that did not merit a serious response.

The ex-ambassador has been a regular commentator on African politics and has previously spoken about the Ethiopian situation.

“In Ethiopia, instead of an all-parties reconciliation conference, I fear a Middle East type military dictatorship takeover and a zero sum game bloody outcome. USG, do not let it happen,” he said hours after a state of emergency was imposed on February 16.

“While in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Secretary Tillerson should have talks with Ethiopian government about their internal political crisis, and should encourage the regime in power not to fear an opening to transparent democracy,” he tweeted on March 3, 2018.

“Ethiopia regime should withdraw SOE declaration prior to naming OPDO leader Abiy Ahmed as new Prime Minister, thereby avoiding tense vote in Parliament, and setting stage for political reforms,” he tweeted two days earlier.

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Martin Plaut

In January this year Sudanese troops were sent to man the country’s border with Eritrea. The border was sealed: trade between the neighbouring states ceased.

This has caused real hardship for many on both sides of the border – but particularly in Eritrea, which relies on imports from Sudan.

So what is behind these dramatic events?

Sudan Vice PresThe origins of the dispute can be traced back to a visit to Eritrea by the Sudanese First Vice – President and National Prime Minister, Lt. Gen. Bakri Hassan Salih in December last year.

The official Sudanese statementsaid the two sides had “discussed progress of the bilateral relations between two countries and issues of mutual concern.”

But Sudanese sources suggest the discussions were far more dramatic. Sudan has been drifting away from its traditional alliance with Egypt, and closer to Ethiopia.

Khartoum has sided with Addis Ababa rather than Cairo over Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance dam on the Nile.

At the same time relations between Eritrea and Egypt have been warming. During General Salih’s visit to Asmara, President Isaias Afwerki suggested that the time was ripe for the General to replace President Omar al Bashir as Sudanese head of state.

Apparently speaking with the authority of Cairo, President Isaias said that such a move would be supported by both Eritrea and Egypt.

When General Salih returned to Khartoum the news was received with consternation.

Sudanese troops were rushed to the Eritrean border and the border sealed.

The post The Eritrea-Sudan border standoff: did Isaias whisper treason? appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

WILL YOU URGE THE GOVERNMENT OF ETHIOPIA TO SUPPORT THE DEVELOPMENT OF A PRINCIPLE-BASED ACTION PLAN TO BRING POLITICAL STABILITY AND A PEACEFUL TRANSITION TO DEMOCRATIC REFORMS IN ETHIOPIA?

March 20, 2018/ SMNE

To whom it concerns:

Ethiopia is in political turmoil. After 27 years of increasingly autocratic rule under the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), Ethiopians are demanding change. As a means to that change, they are seeking an inclusive national dialogue, leading to reconciliation and genuine democratic reforms.We are pleased that many members of the international community have already endorsed this plan as the best means to bring democratic rights and stability to this strategic country in the Horn of Africa.  Unfortunately, at the same time, the government seeks to declare a state of emergency, adding further restrictions to an already tense environment that could backfire, causing greater instability and even violence.

The purpose of this letter is to call on you to urge the current Government of Ethiopia to engage in an inclusive national dialogue with the people of Ethiopia, leading to the development of a principle-based road map and action plan to bring political stability and peaceful transition to a more democratic, reconciled and just Ethiopia.

My name is Obang Metho. As the executive director of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE), I come to you on behalf of the SMNE as well as on behalf of countless Ethiopians who seek greater freedom and justice in their country of birth.

The SMNE is a non-violent, non-political, grassroots social justice movement of diverse Ethiopians, formed in 2008 to advance truth, justice, freedom, equality, reconciliation, accountability and respect for the human rights of all Ethiopians; motivated by the truth: “no one will be free until all are free.” We have been working to mobilize Ethiopians in the Diaspora and within Ethiopia to unite in a coalition across ethnic, regional, political, cultural, gender and religious lines to build a society where “humanity comes before ethnicity” or any other differences.

Our work has included international human rights advocacy, raising awareness, refugee advocacy, investigation and analysis, reconciliation work, networking and coalition building. Our goal is to be a catalyst in bringing about a “New Ethiopia” where robust freedoms, the rule of law, transparency, respect for human rights, equal opportunity and good governance are grounded on the God-given dignity and worth of every human being.

CONDITIONS ON THE GROUND DO NOT MATCH EPRDF NARRATIVE

The EPRDF’s publicly acclaimed narrative does not match the desperate inner conditions of the country.  The crisis of today does not come by surprise, but has been building for years; yet, the autocratic rule of the EPRDF has recently come up against the greatest and most effective resistance of its 27 years rule, with its end in sight.

To the international community, the EPRDF cited double-digit economic growth, the unity of the people around its governance model of ethnic federalism, its role as a beacon of peace and stability and as a critically important partner in the War on Terror.

To most of the people of Ethiopia, the ruling party of the EPRDF is an authoritarian political coalition of four ethnic-based party members, controlled by one of the four, the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF). The other members include the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), the Oromo Peoples Democratic Organization (OPDO), and the Southern Ethiopian Peoples Democratic Movement (SEPDM). These represent four of the nine regions in Ethiopia. Three out of four of the parties represent the one major ethnic group of the region they represent. Only the SEPDM has multiple ethnicities attached to them. In the last national election in 2015, the unpopular EPRDF won 100% of the seats.

This political arrangement leaves little representation for the majority of the 80 or more ethnic groups that make up Ethiopia. The TPLF, as the dominating party, plays favorites with those from their own ethnic group, the Tigray, who have access to opportunities, privileges and power, denied to most others. As a result, they dominate and control almost every sector of society, including the military, causing great resentment.

Political space has disappeared, opposition leaders and democratic voices have been jailed or forced to flee the country, independent civil society has been closed down through laws like the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSO), land and resources have been grabbed, and economic advantages have been reserved for the entitled few, contributing to the perception of double-digit economic growth, despite the majority remaining in poverty.

The EPRDF has used deception, exaggeration, lies, threats and salesmanship to convince the international community that no one but the EPRDF could be trusted as a partner in the War on Terror in the Horn of Africa, nor capable of running the country. Repression of alternative voices created a handy vacuum to other alternatives to this autocratic regime.

THE EPRDF—ESPECIALLY TPLF CONTROL OF THE EPRDF— IS CRUMBLING BEFORE OUR EYES AS INCREASING PROTESTS CONTINUE WITH THE DEMAND FOR DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS

The repressive nature of the regime has been largely ignored in the past by the US and other members of the international community. Its core foundation—based on a type of ethnic-apartheid governance— has never been strongly challenged. The EPRDF’s claim to be the only ones capable of maintaining the stability of the country and of the Horn of Africa, have convinced the United States of America and international donor community to continuously prop up the weakening foundation of TPLF-dominated ERPDF rule, in spite of all its faults. Ironically, the critical flaws of the EPRDF system have been building over the last 27 years and they have now become the source of their own instability. The TPLF domination of the EPRDF is crumbling before our eyes and we are witnesses to that.  

The demand by the people for their freedom and rights has been intensifying over the last three years and shows no signs of diminishing.  The EPRDF has used lethal force against unarmed people, including many youth, which has resulted in the death of thousands of people. A state of emergency has been put into effect in the past with detrimental effects to the country. Though some want to call another state of emergency now; this time it is being challenged.

In the last two weeks, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn has given his notice of resignation as prime minister and as the chair of the EPRDF. The people are worried about the future, especially because there has been a vacuum of leadership and significant fear that ethnic divisions will explode.

On a very positive note, in the last two week, the EPRDF has released thousands of political prisoners, including some of the strongest leaders and democratic spokespersons, although, thousands of other political prisoners still remain in custody. Yet, this is an encouraging development. We hope this newly taken direction will open up the alternative that did not exist earlier.

CALL TO THE PEOPLE FOR CALM

We know the future looks grim and that what happens next is unpredictable; yet, our history also tells us of other times Ethiopians have been tested for their survival as a people and a country. At these times, the people unified and responded in a way that led Ethiopia to stand together as one people, all created equally in the image of God. Those Ethiopians of the past give us a sense of who we are today.

We, in the SMNE, have called on the people to remain calm and restrained. We trust our people will us rise above the fears that Ethiopians will commit ethnic-based or religious sectarian violence. The EPRDF, including the former prime minister, Meles Zenawi, used this threat to sell outsiders on the need to continue to support the EPRDF. Yet, it is the EPRDF that is most likely to be the perpetrators; yet once started, violence could be ignited.

The EPRDF has incited fear that without them in charge, Ethiopia will descend into chaos. On the other hand, they have repeatedly incited conflict and division. This has been a key part of the narrative used to maintain EPRDF control; without ever acknowledging their own role in stirring up dissension or committing the acts themselves under hidden pretenses so as to blame others.

The Ethiopian people have shown an overwhelmingly strong commitment to peaceful demonstrations of protest, despite harsh crackdowns over the last three years, with only a few exceptions. When the EPRDF has tried to incite violence, on the majority of occasions, the people wisely have not responded as they expected.

We, the people of Ethiopia, have lived together for centuries. We are family and neighbors; not only sharing land, but sharing blood. Emotional outbursts of anger or revenge for injustice might surface here and there; but in general, our people impatiently, but non-violently, wait for justice and restoration of their institutions and rights.

We, in the SMNE, have also called on the Ethiopian people to take a stand to protect the Tigrayans, many who do not agree with the TPLF, but fear being targeted, as the TPLF has wrongly used their name to advance and protect their rule.

WE HAVE EMERGING LEADERS AS WELL AS MORE VOCAL LEADERS WHO SEE THE BIGGER PICTURE

We should also take note that Ethiopia is not without leaders. Some of these leaders may have been silenced, censored, or imprisoned in the past, but many more are emerging and taking a stand for justice for all Ethiopians.

We also know there are capable Ethiopians from every ethnicity, religious group and walk of life, who care about all the people of Ethiopia. They represent a growing number of Ethiopians who could sit down together tomorrow and come up with a plan for a dialogue, reconciliation and transitional plan for the country. Such a plan could bring greater peace and wellbeing; not only to Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa, but to the world.

Some of these leaders are those former political prisoners who were just released, as well as other esteemed leaders, elders, religious leaders, our women, and our youth who have given so much as champions of the struggle for democratic change. They could all play a significant role. We also have people in the Diaspora who could contribute, so there is no need to panic. Nor is there reason to listen to short-sighted narratives that attempt to persuade outsiders that the EPRDF is the only group capable of maintaining the peace, stability and the national interests of donor countries. New voices are rising up with new alternatives not readily available before.

What we are saying can be proven by the statements we recently heard from some of the newly released democratic leaders in the country, like Bekele Gerba, Eskinder Nega, Merera Gudina, Andualem Andarge, Muslim leaders and many more. They are calling for discipline among the people, to not destroy property and to protect each other as one people. Instead of hate or bitterness, these voices are calling for a unity around shared values and goals, thus enabling a peaceful transitional approach. This is our country at a crossroads and our people are being put to the test. With God’s help, Ethiopians can do it!

CAN WE WORK TOGETHER?

We believe reconciliation and restorative justice could mend much of the conflict between the people of Ethiopia.  We do not need to be enemies of each other. We are family, like brothers and sisters who disagree. For the sake of our descendants, we can solve this conflict peacefully. We should not be blinded to the humanity of each other. We will be judged by how we handle this crisis.

THE EPRDF COULD HELP CHANGE THE OUTCOME FOR GOOD

Right now, the EPRDF has made the right decision to release the political prisoners. It is a good step, but not good enough. They have to realize that the Ethiopia, for which we are fighting, will include them if we are able to bring justice, freedom and reconciliation to the country. It will also be a gift to their descendants as well as to ours.

We have called on those in the EPRDF, to work together to find a peaceful solution to this crisis. The EPRDF can totally change the future for the better by admitting that they have come to the end of their rule and by becoming willing contributors to a transition to genuine democracy. We highly caution the EPRDF from establishing military rule in the country as it could backfire. It is a dangerous alternative that could lead to destruction; however, a non-politicized military could play a positive role in protecting the people instead of protecting and prolonging a dying regime. The military is made up of our people. We have invited the military to be part of the solution for democratic change in Ethiopia.

A CALL TO THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY

In the last few days, especially since the news of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn’s  resignation and the initial declaration of a state of emergency, we are pleased to see the international community clearly voicing its stand against it. We welcome this support; but yet, we call for more. We hope the international community can provide needed pressure on the TPLF/EPRDF to engage in an inclusive national dialogue resulting in the creation of a road map to a peaceful solution to the conflict and one which will bring robust democratic freedom and more sustainable peace to all Ethiopians. We urge the international community to strongly call for such a process to begin where by all stakeholders in Ethiopian affairs are meaningfully involved in a transparent process.

A CALL FOR A COMMON STATEMENT OF INTENT TO LAY OUT STEPS FOR THE DEMOCRATIC TRANSFORMATION OF ETHIOPIA

We also call for the development of a statement of intent from leaders that will begin the process leading to a national dialogue, reconciliation and robust democratic reforms. This is not about political party, but instead, it is about establishing a democratic foundation for the next steps necessary to begin an effective and sustainable transition to a free, just and reconciled Ethiopia.

INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACY: THIS IS THE ONLY REAL WAY OUT OF THIS CRISIS

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Dr. Yohannes Gedamu

Former Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn sent shock waves through the region when he abruptly tendered his resignation.

Desalegn said that he had made the decision to facilitate efforts towards political reforms which started with the release of political prisoners. But rather than pursue a reform agenda, the Ethiopian government followed his announcement by declaring a state of emergency. This not only jeopardises the regime’s apparent intent to institute democratic reforms, it also pits citizens against the security forces. And it’s already led to more violence, not stability.

The state of emergency is being defied in a number of regions. Citizens have protested in Gondar, which is in the opposition Amhara region, as well as the opposition stronghold of Nekemte which is in Oromia. Much of the Oromia region is also defying the emergency measures.

As a result, the regime has targeted the Oromia region, and its protesting youths who are collectively known as Qeerro in the Oromo language.

Despite the release of thousands of political prisoners and talk of reforms, the political climate remains more uncertain than ever. It’s now feared that any government measures to suppress ensuing chaos could result in more violence, and deaths.

Instability in Ethiopia could have repercussions across the region. Unrest in the country could have a domino effect in what is an already volatile part of the continent. It could also affect regional peace efforts because instability in one corner of the Horn of Africa could spread and destabilise the entire region. This is especially the case because Ethiopia is home to so many cross border communities.

Implications for the region

Ethiopia is influential in the region and across the continent. It is the second most populous country in Africa and one of the fastest growing economies in the world. It also hosts the African Union’s headquarters in its capital, Addis Ababa.

But its standing has been diminished by the political turmoil of the last few years when two of its largest ethnic groups, the Oromo and Amhara both started demanding political and economic equality. The ruling coalition’s responses to these demands has highlighted the fact that it isn’t committed to democratisation.

The risks for the region are significant. Unless the regime acts on political reforms to entrench democracy, equal distribution of resources and freedom of the press, Ethiopia – with more than 100 million citizens – could emerge as the largest politically unstable nation in an already volatile region.

An unstable Ethiopia could also affect peace efforts in neighbouring countries. For example, it’s role as a long standing mediator in the South Sudanese peace talks could suffer a setback.

And its army is also the only peacekeeping force in Abiye, an oil rich region that has been at the centre of the conflict between Sudan and South Sudan since 2011.

In addition, Ethiopia is second only to Bangladesh in the number of its troops involved in international peacekeeping. Across its South Eastern borders, it also maintains thousands of troops inside Somalia.

And although its role in Somalia has drawn criticism Ethiopia remains a critical ally to the US’s counter terrorism strategy in the region. Instability could also create a power vacuum that could affect the US-led anti-terror strategy.

Ultimately, an internal crisis in Ethiopia will affect the power balance with its arch rival Eritrea. After the Ethiopia-Eritrea war which ended in 2000, the two countries have remained engaged in a proxy war by supporting each others’ political opposition groups.

Cross-border communities

Most African states share cross-border societies. The Horn of Africa is no different. The Oromo for instance are a majority ethnic group in Ethiopia and also a minority in Kenya. The Nuer are South Sudan’s second largest ethnic group and also a minority in Ethiopia’s western Gambella region.

There are also Somalis in Ethiopia. They maintain strong ties with their clansmen in Somali, Djibouti and Kenya. The Afar ethnic group in Ethiopia are also minorities in Eritrea, and Djibouti.

A new influx of Ethiopian refuges into Kenya due to the recent massacre in Moyale townunderscores the fact that problems in the country are starting to affect cross border societies in the region. In fact, authorities and analysts in neighbouring Kenya are deeply concernedabout the situation.

Instability could also affect refugees in Ethiopia itself. The country hosts the second highest number of refugees in Africa. Asylum seekers from Eritrea, South Sudan and Somalia often seek refuge within its borders.

Next steps

There is still room to resuscitate democratic reforms and to create space for national dialogue and reconciliation. Given the potential ramifications of prolonged unrest in Ethiopia, it should be in the interests of the international community to promote peace and stability. To do this it must pressure the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front to suspend the state of emergency.

The international community must also stress that the regime needs to open its doors to the opposition and pave the way for a transitional government. In my opinion this is the only way the ruling coalition can play a critical role in pacifying the country and the region. And the only way it can have a political legacy worthy of praise.

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By Mohammed Ademo
March 20, 2018

Protests in Ethiopia are the culmination of a long-simmering series of grievances and demands for greater freedom, equity, and opportunity.

After 3 years of relentless protests, Ethiopia started 2018 with rare good news. On January 3, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and his party pledged to release political prisoners and shut down the notorious Maekelawi detention center in Addis Ababa. In a 3-hour-long press conference, leaders of the ruling Ethiopian People‘s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) also took responsibility for the myriad of political challenges facing the country. The aim, EPRDF leaders said, was to foster national reconciliation and to widen democratic space. The announcement was roundly welcomed, including by a leery opposition, as a crucial step in the right direction.

A series of mixed signals followed. More than 6,000 political prisoners, including key opposition figures, journalists, and leaders of the country’s Muslim community, were released from prison. Not long after, on February 15, Hailemariam resigned saying he wanted to pave the way for reforms. It appeared that Africa’s second most populous nation was truly poised to turn a page on its repressive past. Not a day later, however, on February 16, authorities imposed a sweeping 6-month-long state of emergency. The decree was ratified by the EPRDF-controlled Parliament in a disputed vote on March 2.

More than 60 casualties have been reported since the state of emergency came into effect. In southern Ethiopia, thousands have fled violence and sought shelter and urgent humanitarian assistance in Kenya. The latest displacement is in addition to the more than 1.2 million people internally displaced, most of them in 2017, by a tit-for-tat border conflict between Oromia and Somali States, two of the largest of Ethiopia‘s nine linguistically based regional states. The humanitarian, security, and political crises are the most serious facing Ethiopia since 1991, when the communist regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam was overthrown.

To tackle these and other challenges, the 36-member executive leadership of the EPRDF held a series of high-stakes meetings. While they agree there is a problem, they are divided over how to respond to growing public pressure and ethnic discord. As a result, once a unified vanguard party, the EPRDF is now riven by a bitter power struggle. The heightened jostling for control of the party’s policy direction has brought to the fore long-suppressed questions of inequity in the EPRDF.

How Did Ethiopia Get to this Point?

To understand the current state of flux in Ethiopia, consider the EPRDF’s history. Founded in 1989, the EPRDF is, in theory, a coalition of four ethnically based political organizations: the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), and the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM).

At the time of the EPRDF’s founding, Mengistu Haile Mariam’s communist regime was on its last leg. The Cold War was coming to an end. Having set its sights on political power in Addis Ababa, the TPLF, which had led the armed insurgency against Mengistu, needed partners to cross into the vast region south of its base in northern Ethiopia. So it orchestrated the creation of the ANDM, the OPDO, and later the SEPDM.

Once the EPRDF came to power, a multinational federation, which promised self-determination for every nation, nationality, and people in Ethiopia, was forged as a compromise between ethnonationalists and unionists who favored a centralized Ethiopian polity. This approach, explicitly organizing the Ethiopian state along ethnic lines, was a stark departure from the emphasis on a single Ethiopian national identity promoted by the Mengistu regime and Emperor Haile Selassie before it. The 1995 Constitution called for decentralization and a significant degree of self-rule for states, promises that remained largely on paper.

From the beginning, the EPRDF proved to be a coalition of unequal partners. For example, each member party has 45 representatives in the powerful 180-member EPRDF Council, even though ethnic Tigrayans constitute just 6 percent of the country’s population. Moreover, the TPLF enjoys absolute control of the military and the security establishment as well as key economic sectors. The TPLF also controlled the office of Prime Minister until 2012, and the Foreign Ministry until 2015.

The power imbalance gave rise to charges of undue Tigrayan influence over the country’s political life. TPLF leaders vacillated between acknowledgement and entitlement, given the party’s outsized role in liberating Ethiopia from the tyranny of the Mengistu regime. The ascendancy of the minority Tigrayans displaced from power the more populous Amhara, who had played the dominant role in Ethiopian political life for most of the previous century.

This Tigrayan dominance was further fortified through strict party discipline known as democratic centralism, which encouraged constituent parties to engage in vigorous internal deliberations but mandated all to adhere to the ruling party’s policy direction once a vote was taken. Moreover, as EPRDF leaders have acknowledged, the TPLF maintained covert influence inside the EPRDF by propping up and empowering loyalists. These grievances gradually gave way to growing resentment against the TPLF and, more recently, ethnic Tigrayans.

Context for Ongoing Protests

The Ethiopian protests are the culmination of a long-building series of grievances. After the disputed 2005 elections in which the EPRDF resorted to brutal violence to maintain power, the party embarked on a developmental state model, characterized by active state intervention in the economy as a way to boost its political legitimacy. But this effort was accompanied by a heightened muzzling of critics and the media as well as controlling access to information. It also meant the institutionalization of the instruments of repression.

Ethiopians in Addis Ababa protest the killing of Oromo students and expansion of the city into Oromo land
Ethiopians in May 2014 protest against the killing of Oromo students and expansion of the city into Oromo land. Photo: Gadaa.com.

While the EPRDF faced some level of opposition at every turn in its 25-year rule, the floodgates opened in 2014 when the Oromo, the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, began protesting against the government’s land policy. The protests coalesced around a single Oromo axiom: “The matter of land is the matter of life.” The specific trigger was an urban master plan, which sought to expand Addis Ababa’s physical boundaries deep into the surrounding Oromia State. Surprisingly, the first sign of resistance came from within the OPDO, a one-time docile party seen among the Oromo as the TPLF’s puppet.

The EPRDF seemed to be caught off guard by the scale of the protests. Security forces responded to largely peaceful protests using disproportionate force. This engendered more outrage and protests. Many dozens of people were killed and thousands arrested.

Protests briefly subsided ahead of the May 2015 national elections, in which the EPRDF and its partners claimed 100 percent of the seats in Parliament. However, Oromo protests returned when authorities attempted to forge ahead with the Addis Ababa expansion plan. A massive security dragnet ensued, leading to the deaths of even more people and the arrest of tens of thousands. By then, the initial opposition to the “land grab” and concerns over the dispossession of Oromo farmers from Addis Ababa had grown to include protesting historic Oromo marginalization, the lack of freedom and economic opportunities, and demanding the release of political prisoners.

Under pressure, authorities shelved the urban master plan and made other cosmetic changes, including a cabinet reshuffle, which saw Tigrayans ceding control of the Foreign Ministry. But EPRDF leaders left popular demands for greater democratic rights, equal economic opportunities, and state autonomy virtually untouched.

In October 2016, the protests were curbed with the declaration of a state of emergency. When martial law was lifted 10 months later, the protests returned evermore vigorously. Crucially, the protests had by then spread to other regions, particularly Amhara State and a number of localities in the southern region.

Some of the grievances were localized but the overarching theme was the same: the gap between constitutional guarantees for democracy versus the existing centralized state and authoritarian party that controlled all aspects of life. For example, in Wolkait, an administrative district in Tigray State, ethnic Amharas wanted to be part of the Amhara State and send their children to school in Amharic. A two-decade effort to settle the matter through legal and political means was repeatedly frustrated. Those frustrations fed into wider resentment over Tigrayan hegemony.

In Oromia, the epicenter of the opposition, the OPDO faced a legitimacy crisis. It was buckling under the weight of protests and accusations of corruption and incompetence from other EPRDF partners. This pressure helped bring to power a new generation of OPDO party cadres who were not wedded to the legacy of armed struggle. They made bold overtures to Oromo nationalism and embraced most of the protesters’ grievances, vowing to reform their party and the EPRDF to address the Oromo question or to join the protesters if their reform efforts failed.

As the OPDO positioned itself as a quasi-opposition party, the TPLF was also trying to clean its own house. Facing inevitable decline and waning influence, the TPLF held a 35-day-long evaluation session in October 2017 that culminated in demotions of top party officials and a rare public display of self-criticism.

It is against this backdrop that EPRDF leaders, in large part to meet the OPDO’s demands, agreed to free political prisoners in January 2018. The freed prisoners were welcomed by a groundswell of public support and homecoming celebrations.

It is also important to recognize the leading role that youth, having come of age under the EPRDF’s one-party rule, have played in the protests. This underscores the major demographic transformations that have accompanied the calls for change. Ethiopia had an estimated total population of 52 million in 1990. It is now projected to be over 105 million with more than 70 percent of the population under the age of 30. Simultaneous to this was a rural-to-urban migration of young people. However, the pace of local job creation has not matched the number of college graduates. The influx in mobile phone usage and improved access to communications technology, meanwhile, means that this generation is far more connected to one another and to the outside world than any before it. These factors have all contributed to the resiliency of the protests.

The Way Forward

The EPRDF and, indeed, Ethiopia are at a crossroads. Resilient demands for greater freedom, equity, and opportunity indicate that the status quo is untenable. Reliance on military and security measures to quell opposition have proven futile. The EPRDF’s diagnosis of the problem in January was largely correct: the answer to Ethiopia’s malaise is greater democratic space and national reconciliation. This will require vacating the emergency decree, which has proven counterproductive to the party’s stated reform plans. It will also be necessary to address the root problems: the inequity within the governing coalition and the need for legitimacy.

A priority for reestablishing stability, therefore, should be to engage opposition parties in good faith negotiations setting forth a path for genuine popular dialogue and reconciliation. This process would entail freeing all political prisoners and setting in motion legal and political reforms to undo some of the most coercive measures that have brought the party and country to the precipice of collapse. These reforms would include the repeal of the Freedom of the Mass Media and Access to Information Proclamation, the Charities and Societies Proclamation, and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. These sweeping pieces of legislation have been used to curtail opposition activities, muzzle independent journalists, and silence government critics.

“A priority for reestablishing stability, therefore, should be to engage opposition parties in good faith negotiations setting forth a path for genuine popular dialogue and reconciliation.”

Through heavy state involvement in the economy, Ethiopia has registered modest growth over the last decade. Events of the last several years illustrate that this authoritarian developmental model has backfired and is coming to a dead end. Continued efforts to subdue an increasingly restive population through repressive measures now risk unraveling the economy and the country‘s fragile federation.

It is remarkable that despite the mounting grievances, the protests have largely remained peaceful. This suggests the crisis can be resolved without widespread instability. However, the continued tug-of-war between protesters and the security sector is testing public patience. It will also embolden those who insist on armed rebellion as the only way to bring about change—a quintessential story for Ethiopia, which in its long history has never had a peaceful transfer of power.

All parties committed to Ethiopia’s stability should emphasize that only genuine dialogue and reform can avert a further deterioration.

Mohammed Ademo is a freelance journalist and a Horn of Africa analyst.

Africa Center Expert

Joseph Siegle, Director of Research
Additional Resources
Africa Center for Strategic Studies, “Term Limits for African Leaders Linked to Stability,” Infographic, February 23, 2018.
Mohammed Ademo and Hassen Hussein, “A Placeholder Prime Minister Departs. What Comes Next?” New York Times, February 18, 2018.
Joseph Siegle, “Constitutional Design: Vital but Insufficient for Conflict Management in Africa,” Ethnopolitics, Spring 2016.
Joseph Siegle, “Why Term Limits Matter for Africa,” International Security Network, July 3, 2015
Steven Livingston, “Africa’s Information Revolution: Implications on Crime, Policing, and Citizen Security,” Africa Center Research Paper, No. 5, November 2013.
Joseph Siegle, “Managing Volatility with the Expanded Access to Information in Fragile States” in Diplomacy, Development, and Security in the Information Age, Shanthi Kalathil, ed., 2013.
Africa Center for Strategic Studies, “Africa and the Arab Spring: A New Era of Democratic Expectations,” Africa Center Special Report, No. 1, November 2011.
Clement Mweyang Aapenguo, “Misinterpreting Ethnic Conflicts,” Africa Security Brief, No. 4, Africa Center for Strategic Studies, April, 2010.

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Evidence that prisoners of conscience, critical journalists, and activists have been abused

መረጃ አድራሻ:-
ግርማ ብርሃኑ Girma Berhanu
የትምህርትና ልዩ ትምህርት ትምህርት ክፍል(ፕሮፌሰር)
Department of Education and Special Education (Professor)
ጎተንበርግ ዩኒቨርሲቲ University of Gothenburg
መ.ሣ.ቁ Box 300
ጎተበርግ ስዊደን Göteborg, Sweden
E-mail: Girma.Berhanu@ped.gu.se

Abstract

In recent years, it has come to be recognized that men and women activists, prisoners of conscience, and critical journalists in Ethiopia have been sexually abused in detention as a method of torture. We do not know exactly how common the abuse is.  Few former prisoners are willing to disclose their experience. Rape, genital maiming/mutilation, and sexual violence including sodomy are under-reported by both men and women. Male survivors of sexual violence are less likely than women and girls to disclose assaults (Callender & Dartnall 2011)[1] due to a combination of cultural and religious reasons manifested through shame, confusion, and guilt. This study uses personal accounts and anecdotal evidence to investigate the alleged abuses. The data indicate that genital maiming/mutilation and rape have been practiced in an attempt to silence dissent and humiliate the victims. This study highlights the urgent need for the international community and local human rights organizations to address seriously the needs of victims of sexual violence such as genital maiming, rape, and other obscene and sadistic, ill treatment in prisons.  The human cost of the silencing and the marginalization of survivors can only be estimated at present.

Summary and Preliminary Conclusion

The project is underway and the conclusions that we can draw from this work are tentative. For many years there have been rampant rumors that prison officials and interrogators in Ethiopia abuse prisoners of conscience, journalists, and members of the opposition party. These prisoners have been exposed to unspeakable violation and are at the same time incapable of public expression in Ethiopia where sexual abuse is a taboo subject. Rape and the maiming of genital organs as a method of torture are part of this tragedy. Abuses are not only sexual. They are multifold: dehydration, starvation, and solitary confinement; refusal to provide basic medical care; ignoring cries for help; and varied forms of psychological abuse.

The objectives of this study are (a) to document the magnitude of this tragedy; (b) to create public awareness; (c) to assist the victims; and (d) to encourage survivors to come forward and share their stories with researchers and human right activists. As there is no possibility of obtaining recognizable justice in Ethiopia, this documentation is essential to helping the victims gain access to international judicial mechanisms. Survivors could file suit and pursue criminal prosecution and trials for both the perpetrators and those who ordered the sexual torture. It has been demonstrated on many occasions that the federal judiciary in Ethiopia lacks the independence and determination to prosecute these crimes. As a result, an international system would provide hope to the survivors and their families in pursuing criminal prosecution.[2]

There are a number of challenges to realizing the above objectives and goals. The first is lack of credible evidence. It is next to impossible to induce survivors to talk about their ordeals, so most of the evidence and data in this report are anecdotal. Two of the personal accounts lack rigor because survivors were not willing to share their experiences in detail. A second challenge lies in the ability to prove systematic abuse. Zawati observes, “The International Criminal Court Statute states that sexual abuse is a crime against humanity if they can prove that it was done in a systematic way”. [3] Theoretically, one ought to regard these atrocities or acts in their context and verify whether they may be regarded as part of an overall policy or a consistent pattern of an inhumanity, or whether they instead constitute isolated or sporadic acts of cruelty.[4] The limited data in this study indicate that the atrocities are planned, systematic, procedural, and omnipresent. By omnipresent we mean that the abuses appear to be present in all prisons at all times where activists and opposition party members are incarcerated. The anti-terrorism proclamation (A Proclamation on anti-terrorism Proclamation No. 652/2009) [5]has provided an instrument to crush dissent and silence opposition parties. The proclamation punishes free expression, a violation of international law. The consequence is painfully real for journalists and activists who face imprisonment for exercising basic rights.  They have been branded by the Government as traitors and terrorists.

The study findings show that obscene and sadistic forms of torture are used in prison. The purpose of the abuse is purely to humiliate the victim and to intimidate others.

Sexual abuse has consequences far beyond the event itself. Harms include physical damage, psychological insult, sexually transmitted diseases, depression, and intrusive memories. In a country where psychological and psychiatric treatment, counselling, and emotional support are not common, it is very difficult for the survivors to reassemble their lives and to function as socially adequate and occupationally competent citizens.[6] The gravity of this problem can be even more complicated among male victims because of cultural beliefs and deep seated traditions.[7],[8]

A cardinal reflection and overwhelming surprise in this study is the widespread rumor among Ethiopians that sodomy is also practiced in prison by government agencies as a method of torture.[9] More research and investigation is required to substantiate such rumors. At present, the data are quite limited and diffuse. However, other forms of sexual abuse, such as genital maiming, rape, obscene and sadistic, ill treatment, are documented practice.

[1]Callender, T. and E. Dartnall (2011) “Mental health responses for victims of sexual violence and rape in resource poor settings.” SVRI Briefing Paper, Sexual Violence Research Initiative, Medical Research Council, Pretoria, South Africa (e-version).

[2]http://justiceforiran.org/english-sexual-abuse-and-torture-of-politically-active-women-in-prisons-crimes-against-humanityshadi-sadr/?lang=en

[3]Zawati, Hilmi (2007) “Impunity or immunity: wartime male rape and sexual torture as a crime against humanity.” Torture, 17(1): 27-47.

[4] http://www.iranhrdc.org/english/human-rights-documents/ngo-reports/justice-for-iran/3398-sexual-abuse-and-torture-of-politically-active-women-in-prisons-crimes-against-humanity-shadi-sadr.html

[5] https://chilot.me/2011/01/a-proclamation-on-anti-terrorism-proclamation-no-6522009/

[6] Noll-Hussong, Michael et al. (2010) “Aftermath of sexual abuse history on adult patients suffering from chronic functional pain syndromes: an fMRI pilot study.” Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 68: 483-487.

[7] Lewis, Dustin (2009) “Unrecognized victims: sexual violence against men in conflict settings under international law.” Wisconsin International Law Journal, 27(1): 1-50.

[8] Sorsoli, Lynn et al. (2008) “ ‘I keep that hush-hush:’ male survivors of sexual abuse and the challenges of disclosure.” Journal of Counselling Psychology, 55(30): 333-345.

[9] Walker, Jayne, John Archer and Michelle Davies (2005) “Effects of rape on men: A descriptive analysis.” Archives of Sexual Behavior, 34 (1): 69-80.

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Etenesh Abera
Addis Standard

Addis Abeba, March 21/2018 – In a statement released this afternoon, the secretariat of the command post established to oversee the implementation of Ethiopia’s latest state of emergency, said Ethiopians who have fled in to the Kenyan border following the army’s killing of civilians in Moyale town, have “started to return home”. It also warned what it called “NGOs and some media organizations” which are spreading false information to refrain from doing so.

The statement from the command post stands in sharp contrast with reports from Kenyan and other international media organizations, including the BBC, which are reporting from the makeshift camps on the ground in Moyale, where above 10, 000 Ethiopian refugees are currently seeking help. It also contradicts latest report released by the  UNHCR Kenya office, which said Monday this week that “nearly 10,000 Ethiopians seek asylum in Moyale, Kenya following violence back home.”

Update: “Reps from @UNHCR_KENYA, @UNICEFKenya, #WFP, @IFRCAfrica, Refugee Affairs Secretariat and #Kenya #RedCross, visit #Moyale to see first-hand the situation of the over 9000 displaced persons from #Ethiopia. Approximately 80 percent are women and children.” @KenyaRedCross pic.twitter.com/ngmGvpF3Lb

— Addis Standard (@addisstandard) March 16, 2018

The other organization providing a constant flow of vital information and humanitarian support, The Kenya Red Cross Society (KRCS), has told the BBC yesterday that 26 women have given birth in their makeshift camps where they are being offered with basic supplies including food and water. KRCS also said there were about 600 pregnant women among the 10, 557 refugees who have arrived in to the Kenyan side of Moyale. 80% them are women and children.

Today we delivered shelter materials and kitchen utensils among other items as part of emergency supplies, in Moyale, Kenya. Nearly 10,000 Ethiopian asylum seekers have fled to Moyale following violence in the Oromia region, Ethiopia. @Refugees@RaoufMazou @KenyaRedCross pic.twitter.com/YOb5yzM8QV

— UNHCR KENYA (@UNHCR_Kenya) March 21, 2018

It is not clear which NGOs and media the statement from the command post is addressing, but it said “NGOs and media which have either their own or other anti-peace organizations agenda are spreading information that are baseless and far from the truth.” It threatened these NGOs and media organizations to refrain from their acts or face the consequence. “If they are not refraining from doing do, all the necessary legal actions would be taken against them.”

Without providing numbers, the statement also said that in collaboration with local elders, Abba Geddas, and members of the command post “many of those who have displaced have started to return home. The effort will continue,” it said.

However, many of those interviewed by various media in Moyale said they do not feel safe to return back home.

On March 14, the state run EBC said 39, 825 Ethiopians were displaced after the army’s killing of nearly a dozen civilians by the military on March 10. The report said the displaced were from 5 different kebele’s including Shewa Ber in Moyale town, where the killing of civilians took place.

Members of the Ethiopian army responsible for the killing were operating under the supervision of the command post established to oversee the current state of emergency. In a statement published on the state run EBC, the command post secretariat, led by defense minister Siraj Fegessa, said the killing happened when five members of the army acted based on a “mistaken intelligence report.” It also said the army was pursuing members of the banned Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), who “crossed in to the Ethiopian side.” The statement offered no details but said five members of the army were disarmed and were under investigations.

AS

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For Immediate Release CONTACT: Daniel Bucheli March 21, 2018 (202) 213-8660 Rep. Coffman on Upcoming H.Res. 128 Vote Washington, D.C. – Today, U.S. Representative Mike Coffman (R-CO) released the following statement after receiving notification that the House of Representatives will hold a vote this April on House Resolution 128, titled ‘Supporting respect for human rights and encouraging inclusive governance in Ethiopia’: “Today’s announcement that the House will take a vote on H.Res.128 this April, is a testament to countless hours of hard work, by all those involved, and the unwavering fight for the respect of human rights and the rule of law in Ethiopia. Hundreds of thousands of dollars spent by the Ethiopian government proved futile in the fight to do what is right. I join the many voices back home and Ethiopia in thanking Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy for his support in getting this to the House floor.”   Background: Representative Coffman has been a strong supporter of House Resolution 128, which unanimously passed the House Foreign Affairs Committee in July 2017. The resolution condemns the Ethiopian security services for their use of excessive force that has resulted in the deaths of protesters and wrongful arrests of activist and political opponents of the regime. ###

Connect with Congressman Coffman:       House Resolution 128 Scheduled for a Vote Today, Amhara Association of America received communication from the Office of the Majority Leader that during Secretary Tillerson’s visit to Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Government made no commitment to allow the United Nations access to investigate human rights abuses in the country. Therefore, the Majority Leader has decided to schedule House Resolution 128 for a vote before the full House the week of April 9th. Res. 128: Supporting Respect for Human Rights and Encouraging Inclusive Governance in Ethiopia is a monumental achievement for Amharas who have worked tirelessly for two years to shed light on the human rights atrocities Amharas have endured under the TPLF regime. H. Res. 128 acknowledges the dire humanitarian conditions in Ethiopia, the lack of political space for opposition parties, the decimation of non-governmental organizations, and calls on the State Department and Treasury to apply sanctions to individuals and organizations who have committed gross human rights violations as provided in the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act. Amhara Association of America strongly believes H. Res. 128 will help move Ethiopia towards improvements in human rights, democracy, and stability. Amhara Association of America would like to thank Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy for his leadership and support for the Ethiopian people. Amhara Association of America would like to thank Chairman Chris Smith for introducing H. Res. 128 and his continued support, friendship, and commitment to bring democracy to Ethiopia. Amhara Association of America would like to thank Congressman Coffman for being the champion of H. Res. 128 and the Ethiopian people. Congressman Coffman put his political capital and the resources of his office behind H. Res. 128. We are forever indebted. Amhara Association of America is coordinating a National Amhara Advocacy Campaign to bring additional co-sponsors for H. Res. 128. Participating organizations include: Amhara Professionals Union (APU) Amhara Association in Seattle Amhara People’s Civic Organization, Inc. (TX) San Diego Amhara Organization, Inc. DMV Amhara Community Boston Amhara Organization We have successfully added seven co-sponsors since the campaign began in February 2018. Amhara Association of America asks all Amharas to join the National Amhara Advocacy Campaign and request their representative to co-sponsor H. Res. 128. Together, we can make a difference for Amharas and all Ethiopians!!!

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After playing cruel and lawless games and treating Ethiopians worse than fascist Graziani did for the past 27 Years, the ethnocentric bosses are facing a popular uprising by Ethiopians who are determined to remove them for good and establish an accountable democratic government that would never kill or torture them.

Corrupt TPLF is used to having a puppet prime minister who would do anything his TPLF mafia bosses tell him to do. Former Prime Mister Hailemariam Desalegne was considered a TPLF messenger boy rather than a man with real power. That sentiment by the public was validated when the former PM himself openly admitted to his peers that he was functioning at his position in the dark and knew nothing about Ethiopia’s internal affairs. Ethiopians were stunned when he appeared on TV to appease his TPLF bosses announcing that he ordered the military to act on innocent demonstrators. Many Ethiopians were expecting him to resign when more than 800 Irreecha celebrators were killed in a single day. His moral compass was tested and questioned so many times while he was in his office and he never tried to stop killing and torturing of many political prisoners. Many say he didn’t care about most of those critical issues, as he was well controlled by his TPLF masters.

It will be very hard to expect the TPLF to change after 27 years of reckless and autocratic rule, so unless the criteria changes this time for some unknown reason, the basic criteria to be a PM in Ethiopia is

1. To be an ardent admirer of the late divider in chief and the devil himself, Meles Zenawi
2. To not care about democratic rights for Ethiopians and look the other way when atrocities are committed by the TPLF. He should accept and approve the torturing, killing, and imprisonment of Ethiopians who ask for political rights.
3. To not say or do anything to stop the TPLF looting the country. He should quietly facilitate all looting activities whenever they request him to do so.
4. To always talk about the nonexistent Multi-Party System established by the TPLF.
5. Not question the motif of TPLF leaders, even if TPLF activity results in complete destruction of the country and its people including displacements, land grabbing, environmental destructions etc., as far as the activities benefit TPLF leaders.

So, let us see the choices TPLF is facing

1. Debretsion G. Michael (PhD): Trained in information technology. He is the current chairman of the TPLF who is famous for traveling to foreign land for prostitution at the expense of poor Ethiopian tax payers. People in his own circle say he can not manage himself well let alone manage a country
2. Demeke Mekonen:A biologist by training and a former teacher. A member of the Amhara National Democratic movement (ANDM) who is currently a deputy prime minister. He is known to be loyal to Tigrians embedded by the TPLF in ANDM including Bereket Simon. He was allegedly slapped by Debretsion G. Michael during arguments which may make him one of the TPLF’s favorites.
3. Siraj Fergessa: A puppet Defense Minister, educated in forestry and leadership. He is a member of the south Ethiopian Peoples’ Democratic Front (SEPDF) who was instructed by the corrupt and ruthless TPLF General Samora Yunis to assume the position of Head of State of Emergency. Siraj would say or do anything, as far as he is provided with a car, food and shelter and his family is taken care of.
4. Shiferaw Shigute: Currently the minister of education and chairman of the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM). Trained in accounting and leadership, he is a TPLF loyalist who would do anything to appease his TPLF bosses.
5. Workneh Gebeyehu Negawo: The current minister of foreign affairs and former federal police commissioner who’s’ real name is “Workneh Gebeyehu Woldekidan”. He is well known as one of the Tigrians embedded in the OPDO by the TPLF. Workneh is implicated in a lot of TPLF related crimes. He would do anything to get the position, including shamelessly begging the Americans to push for his election.
6. Abiye Ahmed (PhD): An engineer, cryptologist, and current chairman of the OPDO. He is also known as the founder of the Internet Security Agency in Ethiopia. Dr. Abiye is one of the EPRDF politicians who have finally realized the effect of TPLFs disastrous leadership over the past 27 years and bravely defied TPLF divide and rule tactics. Whether he is elected or not Ethiopians give him credit for his recent remarks and efforts to heal wounds and unite a nation divided by the TPLF.

Whoever the choice may be, Ethiopians have made it clear that another puppet Prime Minster who can be pushed, spanked and slapped around by the TPLF would be unacceptable. The EPRDF should select a PM this time to make sure that there won’t be another TPLF puppet in the office and to immediately start a political dialogue and negotiate with all stakeholders in and out of the country, including groups like the Ethiopian National Movement (ENM) and freedom fighting forces like Patriotic Gibot-7. Until that is realized Ethiopians inside the country and the diaspora should continue to fight to get rid of the TPLF. Ethiopians would never settle for less than removing the TPLF from power and establish a democratic and accountable government

For Ethiopians To Be Free, The TPLF Must Go

NY/NJ Ethiopians Task Force (www.ethionynj.com)

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22th Adwa Anniversary in Dallas and Ft. Worth – March 25, 2018

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In repeat of 2017’s challenges, last week‘s budget did not allocate money for integrating the community in Israel, delaying flights again

The 2019 budget approved by the Knesset last Thursday does not include funds for airlifting Ethiopian Jews to Israel, despite a government decision to bring approximately 1,000 Ethiopians Jews per year.

Similar budget delays have plagued Ethiopian Jewish immigration in recent years, and last year there was a six-month hiatus in the flights for Ethiopian Jewish immigrants.

“I am asking for the government to renew the aliyah [immigration to Israel] process immediately,” demanded MK Avraham Neguise (Likud). “Our brothers and sisters are in very difficult situations. Most of the people waiting have first-degree relatives in Israel.”

Last month, the Prime Minister’s Office announced that the Interior Ministry was preparing the list of 1,000 Ethiopian Jews approved for immigration in 2018.

But the state budget did not include the approximately NIS 200 million ($57 million) needed to absorb the 1,300 immigrants planned to arrive over the year.

Women in Gondar, Ethiopia, check flour in preparation for making matzah for the Passover holiday on March 21, 2018. (courtesy)

The Jews left behind in Ethiopia are classified as Falashmura, a term for people whose ancestors converted to Christianity, often under duress, generations ago.

Because the Interior Ministry does not consider the Falashmura to be Jewish, they cannot immigrate under the Law of Return and therefore must get special permission from the government to move to Israel. Critics fear that tens of thousands of Ethiopians could claim eligibility under the process.

Neguise is in negotiations with the Prime Minister’s Office and hopes to secure funding at a special cabinet meeting, though he expressed frustration that the Ethiopian immigration issue needs to be advocated each year anew in order to receive the budget. A spokesman for the Prime Minister’s Office said Netanyahu had instructed that the issues be raised at the next meeting of the Ministerial Committee on the Integration of Israeli Citizens of Ethiopian Descent, but no date has been set for a meeting.

Members of Gondar’s Jewish community attend gathering hosted by a cross-party delegation of Knesset members to Ethiopia, March 3, 2017. (Courtesy)

There are approximately 8,000 Jews in Ethiopia who are waiting to emigrate, 80 percent of whom have first-degree relatives in Israel. In 2018, the list of approved immigrants focused on approximately 1,000 parents who have children in Israel.

“The government of Israel must dry the tears of these parents, of their sons and daughters, of their sisters and brothers, and immediately stop this discriminatory policy,” said Neguise.

Activists have accused the Interior Ministry of racism and inefficiency for its handling of the Ethiopian immigration process.

Although the government unanimously approved the immigration of all the remaining Jews from Ethiopia in November 2015, the decision faltered three months later when the Prime Minister’s Office refused to implement the program because the NIS 1 billion ($284 million) it said was needed to fund the absorption process was not in the state budget over five years, approximately NIS 200 million per year.

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Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban

Internet services have been cut off in much of Ethiopia’s largest regional state, Oromia, the region’s television network reported on Tuesday.

According to the Oromia Broadcasting Network (OBN), the blackout which has lasted some two weeks has affected universities and businesses in the region.

Ethiopia’s internet is in the hands of a state monopoly outfit, Ethio Telecom, the operator has yet to give a reason for the situation.

Internet freedom reports have indicated that much of the country is usually stifled with regards to internet access with the capital Addis Ababa enjoying unfettered access.

Activists have slammed the government repeatedly for cutting off the internet because they wanted to control the spread of information and materials relating to anti-government protests and human rights abuse.

Ethiopia routinely cuts the internet chiefly for political reasons but also for the academic. To forestall the leakage of key university entrance exams, the authorities blocked the internet in 2016 and last year.

Ethio Telecom was in November last year named the continent’s largest mobile operator. According to IT Web’s report, with over 57 million mobile subscribers as at November 2017, Ethio Telecom had beaten MTN Nigeria to become Africa’s largest in terms of its mobile customer base.
“Ethio Telecom of Ethiopia is now the largest mobile operator in Africa in terms of subscriptions, with 57.34 million mobile subscriptions at end-2Q17.

“Ethiopia is also one of the very few African countries that has not liberalised its telecoms market and introduced competition, so Ethio Telecom has a monopoly,” a sector expert was quoted to have said.

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Ayah Aman March 21, 2018

Ayah Aman is an Egyptian journalist for Al-Shorouk specializing in Africa and the Nile Basin, Turkey and Iran and Egyptian social issues. On Twitter: @ayahaman

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