By Prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam

In a time of deceit, telling the truth is a revolutionary act. Attributed to George Orwell

At this critical time in Ethiopia’s history, I believe Ethiopian intellectuals must take a leading and active role in the public debate to shape the future of their homeland. But there is a deficit in the supply of transformational and visionary Ethiopian thinkers with revolutionary ideas to re-invent Ethiopian society. Alemayehu G. Mariam, June 21, 2010

Telling the truth, handling the truth

Today, we live in a time of universal deceit.

Many Ethiopians in the country and in the diaspora, and particularly the so-called elites sporting an alphabet soup of acronyms after their names, are living comfortably in self-deceit.

So, I am going to engage in a revolutionary act by asking – and throwing the gauntlet to one and all — one simple question which demands a declaration of the truth: If Abiy Ahmed is not to lead Ethiopia today, who will?

The members of the lunatic fringe who proclaim “there are two governments in Ethiopia and they can seize power in 24 hours if they want to?

The ruthless thugs that have been sucking the lifeblood of Ethiopia for over a quarter of a century and today are scheming to unleash ethnic conflict and steal their way back to power in the chaos?

The hoity-toity diaspora “intellectuals” who are abysmally clueless about what it takes to govern a long-abused and misgoverned country like Ethiopia?

The tired old Derg dregs who blow their horns in the diaspora while hiding their blood-soaked hands from public view?

The old fogies who find themselves marooned in exile pipe dreaming about the good old days?

The power-hungry ideologues who blather empty words about “revolutionary democracy”, “ethnic federalism”, the “national question”, the “ethnic question” and demonize leaders who kept Ethiopia free from colonialism when all of Africa was enslaved by European imperial powers?

The nattering nabobs of negativism who palm themselves off as the “media”, “journalists” and “reporters” by propagating fake news, lies and disinformation?

The ethnonationalist preachers of hate and their mindless mob killing, looting and burning homes, business and public facilities in an effort at ethnic cleansing?

The robotic “activists” whose slogan is, “I am against everything!”

The moles hidden deep in the bureaucracy, the military, the police and in the security forces working day and night to bring down the current administration?

The two-faced villainous politicians who smile as they murder and murder as they smile; who during the day hobnob with the administration and at night dig tunnels to bring it down?

The skunks and wolves in sheep’s clothing who work secretly with Ethiopia’s enemies to destroy Ethiopia’s epic national development project?

The myopic windbags passing themselves of as party leaders but cannot present to the public a single page of competing economic, political or social programs if they life depended on it? Or even respond to or offer a principled and robust critique of what has been proposed by the current administration?

The cyber crybabies throwing temper tantrum blogs whining and bellyaching?

The “experts” who returned to Ethiopia begging to be government advisors and when turned down turned their quills as guided missiles to attack the current administration?

The armchair politicians pontificating about what should be done while stuffing their faces with tre sega and washing it down with cognac and whiskey?

Let me make it clear.

There is no shortage of self-styled leaders ready to plunge Ethiopia into civil war to grab power.

There is no shortage of mafiosi leaders ready to plunder the treasury and rip off the people of Ethiopia.

There is no shortage of bloodthirsty criminals who will step on heaps of dead bodies of innocent citizens at the drop of a hat to seize the mantle of power.

The question is:

Is there any leader in Ethiopia today who has demonstrated the same level of courage, intelligence, vision, self-confidence, strategic thinking, honesty and integrity, communications skills, humility, passion and dedication as Abiy Ahmed?

If so, who is that leader? I challenge anyone, everyone, to name him or her!

We have a choice to make

Ethiopia today is at the crossroads.

We are at the fork in the road.

We can march forward confident in the future to a promised land of prosperity, dignity, fraternity, equality and humanity.

We can walk back and free fall into a bottomless vortex of poverty, the shameful politics of ethnicity and live in a society marked by inhumanity, cruelty, enmity and irrationality.

We can make a right turn and uphold human rights and undo human wrongs. We can be on the right side of history and do right by the people of Ethiopia.

We can turn left and be left behind. We can sit on the dock of the bay watch the ship of change sail into a brave new future. We can stand on the platform and watch the train of called prosperity leave the station carrying those who have confidence in themselves and the future.

We have a choice to make!

Do we want the Old Ethiopia mired in poverty, destructive politics of ethnicity, kililized territoriality and a government of no accountability?

Or the New Ethiopia of prosperity, community, civility and rationality.

We can choose the path of democracy and representative government or go back to the days of fake elektions and demokracy.

We can revert to ethnic apartheid or build true federalism.

We can choose between the rule of law and the rule of murderous men with guns.

Let’s face facts, the truth! Better yet, let’s be honest and face our consciences.

For the past two years, Ethiopia has shown a magnificent trajectory out of thugtatorship into multiparty democracy, rule of law and expansion of civil liberties.

No one but no one except those whose souls are fatally infected by the corona virus of self-hate and hate of others, the Forces of Darkness and the dregs of history can deny that.

The road Ethiopia has taken over the past two years has been bumpy but the road map remains clear: Ethiopia is rising above the petty politics of ethnicity, sectarianism and communalism.

The inert, comatose and useless practitioners of ethnic and sectarian politics should learn one lesson: “Ethiopia built and preserved with the blood, sweat and tears of illiterate patriots will not be destroyed by educated ignoramuses.”

We have a choice to make today. Now!

Choice is what makes a human being a human being. Of course, not choosing is a choice in itself. Choosing against one’s own self-interest is also a choice.

At this particular moment in Ethiopian history, there will be no fence sitting, flip flopping, vacillating, equivocating or waffling.

“I see nothing, hear nothing, know nothing, say nothing” is not an option.

“Let me see. I need to think about it. Maybe…” is no good.

Turning a deaf ear, blind eyes and muted lips are not options.

Hiding in the herd of the silent majority is not possible.

The one and ONLY choice is to stand with Ethiopia and Abiy Ahmed or to stand against Ethiopia and Abiy Ahmed.

I made my choice to stand with Ethiopia and Abiy Ahmed a long time ago

I made my choice to stand up and be counted for Ethiopia in 2005 after the Meles Massacres.

Before the 2005 election, I had completely written off Ethiopia. Ethiopia was merely of research interest to me. Nothing more.

When the late leader of the ethnic apartheid regime Meles Zenawi massacred hundreds in May 2005, I decided to stand up to that thug and stand by Ethiopia.

It came at great personal and professional cost.

In the course of human events, most people face their own “defining moments”. Often that “moment” is a point in time when we gain a certain clarity about things that may have eluded us in the past or cloud our judgment. It is a moment when they make a choice that changes their life forever.

The Meles Massacres were the defining moment in my life.

I made a deeply thought out and considered choice.

Deep in my heart I found a buried nugget of truth: “You can take the kid out of Ethiopia, but you cannot take Ethiopia out of the kid!”

I chose no longer to be indifferent to the pain and suffering of the people of Ethiopia.

I chose no longer to be detached, disinterested, distant, unsympathetic, uncaring and willfully inattentive to the crimes and abuses of power taking place in Ethiopia at the hands of the TPLF.

I chose to doggedly, single-mindedly, resolutely, steadfastly, tenaciously and unflinchingly do what I can to get rid of the TPLF cancer and usher in the New Ethiopia.

I chose to come down from my horse and walk with the people.

In short, that is how I chose to stand with Ethiopia.

I announced my choice on July 4, 2006:

The fulfillment of my boyish hopes and dreams was to return to the motherland one day and make a contribution, however small. But as you know, things fall apart, and so did my hopes and dreams. Perhaps, some of you may sympathize with me if I tell you that I carry with me a sense of guilt about the way things turned out. I should also let you know that I have been away from the motherland for many years now, perhaps too many to count. But I assure you that I may have left Ethiopia, but Ethiopia has never left me. My case is a simple one. To adapt an old saying: ‘You can take the kid out of Ethiopia, but you cannot take Ethiopia out of the kid!’ That is exactly how I feel.

I adopted my personal rallying cry, “Hey, hey, ho, ho the damned TPLF must go!

As I started my weekly commentaries (or some affectionately call them “sermons”), began to appear with clockwork precision week after week indicting, trying and convicting the TPLF, many thought I was losing it.

Everyone, including my friends, laughed at me. “You think you can drive the TPLF out of power with your pen and keyboard. They have guns, tanks and planes and your words are no match. They are invincible.” “What an idealistic fool you are!” “You are a hopeless utopian.” “The TPLF is armed to the teeth. They are invincible.” “Your words are useless against the invincible TPLF.” “You are going crazy. You will never succeed. You are wasting your time.” “The crazy professor is at it again and again and again…”

“Crazy?” Maybe crazy as a fox.

I learned from the theologian Martin Luther, the father of Protestantism, the maxim, “If you want to change the world, pick up a pen and write.”

In my youth I read the story of the “Foolish Old Man” in Chinese folklore. That old man was unhappy because a mountain in front of him blocked the beautiful vista beyond. So, he started digging and shoveling away. People laughed at the foolish old man and asked him why he would undertake such an impossible task. The Foolish Old Man matter-of-factly replied, “Not to worry. I know I will not finish in my lifetime. But my children will take over after I am gone, and their children and their children’s children will continue. One day the mountain will be there no more. The gods moved by the hard work and perseverance of the foolish old man ordered the mountains separated.”

In June 2018, I said the time to sit on the fence, waffle and chew the cud is over. All of us must take a stand. It is time to lead, follow or get the hell out of the way! For the full 15-minute video

… We cannot hide anymore. It is better to be the living dead than to keep silent (and not support) when we have a leader like Abiy Ahmed. After this, we are not going to grow horns or anything. It is do or die! It is necessary that we stand with Abiy. There is no need to fear. It is an honor to stand with a leader like Abiy Ahmed and say “I support him.” I know many who waffle saying, “Well, let’s see how things are going to be and so on. There is nothing to see. This is it. What you see is what you get with Abiy Ahmed. There is nothing to add. Therefore, what I am asking you, to ask your friends and relatives and all on Facebook and the rest is the message, “We have to stand with Abiy! If Abiy falls, we too will fall! If Abiy rise, we too shall rise. There us no other alternative. We can’t go backwards. But when we march forward we can fall off the cliff if we do not have a real leader. That is the real problem. It is futile to go back and see what happened. The question is, “When we are marching forward. Who are we following?” … Either we will march forward with Abiy Ahmed or we need to shut up. Stop the complaining and bellyaching and teeth-grinding. My bottom line is, “Lead, follow or get the hell out of the way!”

In April 2018, a foolish old professor, other smart old men and women, and a million-strong young men and women received divine intervention and witnessed the e TPLF paper tiger roaring on a paper mountain in Ethiopia vanish into thin air like the morning dew without a single shot fired.

Abiy Ahmed became prime minister on April 2, 2018.

I knew nothing of him at the time. In the weeks preceding his appointment, I had seen three or four short YouTube videos of Abiy Ahmed speaking.

His message of peace, reconciliation, unity, equality, human dignity, Ethiopianity and his eloquence, clarity of thought and vision totally confused and disarmed me.

I did not know what to make of Abiy Ahmed. No one in my circle knew anything about him.

I reviewed the few YouTube videos with extreme attention and used all my forensic skills to dissect his speeches and brought to bear my studies of African leaders. I spent countless hours poring over those videos trying to figure out if Abiy Ahmed is genuine and believes in the message he is preaching.

I wanted to find something that could raise reasonable doubt in my mind that Abiy Ahmed is just talking the talk to get to power and will never walk the talk. I spent a few sleepless nights asking myself, “What am I missing about this guy. His message resonates so deeply with me, is my judgement being clouded by my emotions?”

In the end, I determined with Abiy Ahmed what you see and hear is what you get.

(I later found out to my complete surprise that there is no private and public Abiy Ahmed. He speaks his mind the same way in private as he does in public. If you don’t like what he is saying, convince him otherwise. He will not lie or obfuscate the truth to get his way or curry favors. He is a man of his word. People mistake his straightforwardness, openness, humility, soft-spoken and matter-of-fact approach for weakness at their own peril.)

On April 2, 2018, Abiy Ahmed became Prime Minister of Ethiopia.

On April 8, 2018, I published my 6,681 word “private letter” to PM Abiy Ahmed fully endorsing him and explaining in detail my reasons.

On April 16, 2018, I gave an interview to Voice of America- Amharic Program (audio clip at 12:23-13:21)  and explained why I am giving my full and complete support to PM Abiy Ahmed.

In short, that is how and why I chose to stand with Abiy Ahmed!

Who can reinvent the New Prosperous Ethiopia from the old poverty-stricken Ethiopia?

Ethiopia today needs a “transformational leader”, a frequently overused phrase.

I wrote it in June 2020. The fact remains the same: “There is a deficit in the supply of transformational and visionary Ethiopian thinkers with revolutionary ideas to re-invent Ethiopian society.” Nothing has changed in June 2020! What a shame!

Today, Ethiopia has one transformational leader: Abiy Ahmed.

A transformational leader has clarity of vision and the courage to make tough decisions. S/he is inspirational and a strategic thinker. S/he takes calculated risks, is patient, listens and does not brook nonsense. S/he is creative, innovative, adaptable and flexible. A transformational leader is open minded, willing to meet his /her opposition half-way, humble and believes s/he is a servant of the people and nothing more.

I know for a fact that Abiy Ahmed believes in his heart, mind and soul that he is the humble servant of the Ethiopian people!

It is my moral duty to serve along, stand by and carry water for the servants of the Ethiopian people.

The people of Ethiopia (70 percent of whom are under 35) want a peaceful life and a one-way ticket out of poverty. They want employment, schools, health care, food security, clean potable water and the freedom to pursue their dreams in a just equal and humane society.

I have never met a man, woman or child in my travels throughout Ethiopia who told me they want war, conflict, death and destruction.

But I know there are a few who want war, conflict, death and destruction to sneak into power.

We will fight those war mongers, blood thirsty thugs, criminals and murderers on land, in the air, on water and in the valleys and mountains.

Then we will fight them in the bureaucracy, in the military, in the police  and in the security agencies.

If we must, we will fight them in hand-to-hand combat.

We shall be victorious.

There is no earthly power that can break or destroy Ethiopia’s unity. For it has been written, “Ethiopia shall stretch her hands to God.”

We shall see the coming to pass of my 2013 poetic prophesy:

Ethiopia Africa’s hope and destiny
Shall rise and its tyrants shall fall
Their lies, cruelty and corruption
Buried with them in the steel coffin of history
For “justice will rise in Ethiopia like the sun, with abundance of peace forever.”

Abiy Ahmed is the change I labored for so long and sacrificed so much to bring about in Ethiopia

Over the past two years, Abiy Ahmed has not disappointed me. He has made real the things I worked tirelessly for nearly a decade and half.

Abiy Ahmed is just getting started. He will not stop until Ethiopia rises and towers over the nations of the earth. Go ahead. Laugh once more at the foolish old professor. We shall see who shall laugh last!

Throwing the gauntlet to anyone and everyone!

If Abiy Ahmed is not to lead Ethiopia now, then who!?

Can YOU take a stand, stand up and be counted in Ethiopia’s and Abiy Ahmed’s corner?

I stand by Abiy Ahmed because I, like Abiy Ahmed, am fully and unconditionally committed to peace, progress and prosperity for all Ethiopians.

I stand by Ethiopia because if I don’t stand by her, who will?

You?

The post If Not Abiy Ahmed, Then Who? I Stand by Ethiopia and Abiy Ahmed! appeared first on Satenaw Ethiopian News/Breaking News.

By Mohammed Girma @girma_mohammed

Addus Abeba, July 23/2020 – The killing of prominent musician Hachalu Hundessa shook Ethiopia to the core. The nation that is already struggling to shake off the baggage of its difficult history has experienced yet another round of ensuing violence. We are hearing sobering stories of lives lost, properties destroyed and communal trust dented.^[i] At this moment, the government might declare that the unrest has been brought under control; but fear and mutual mistrust (of ethnic and religious nature) continue to color the national mood.

Where does, or rather, should this nation go from here? A difficult question? Yes! However, it’s a question worth grappling with for any responsible Ethiopian. This does not look a conducive time for abstract conceptual analyses and interesting intellectual gymnastics, even though tragedies should not turn us off from conceptualizing our problem. It is rather a time for deeper soul-searching.

Ego-politics

Ethiopia as a country has
seen several governance systems – ranging from chiefdom to monarchy, to
Marxism, to multinational federalism – based on different conceptual
underpinning.  Amid all these changes,
one stark fact persists. Innocent citizens continue to pay undue sacrifices. At
the heart of the predicament is ego-politics – political narcissism. Red Terror
of the 1970s almost
wiped out a generation of educated and extraordinarily energetic youth. The
actors on this horrid national experience espoused similar ideological stance –
arguably all of them were Marxists.[ii]
And yet, they managed to engineer one of the bloodies of epoch in Ethiopia’s
history. Now, multinational federalism is the language of the day. There was a
legitimate reason for experimenting with such a system – it is deemed to endow
ethnic groups with political, cultural and economic rights. Again, most of the
political actors – incumbents and oppositions – have similar political outlook.
Regardless, they have formed hostile groups within the same ethnic groups that
is now threatening the stability of the nation and the security of the whole
region (the Horn of Africa). In the last two years, violence over who should be
the best Amhara or Oromo leader
was claiming lives.[iii] Worse,
the plights and grievances of the masses are used as a political commodity to
advance personal interests.

As brinkmanship and ego-politics pushes the nation more and more to the cliff, it is time to change the course. One way to find solution for the national ailment is getting deeper to the wounds. Especially, people in leadership positions and with influential platforms, need to listen closely from the direct victims. There are reasons for this.  As bizarre as it may sound, they are more rational than politicians or activists. They have no power to wield, no financial muscle to flex and find a shortcut away from their daily challenges. Rationality is the only weapon they have. Hachalu’s family was a great example. Heartbroken, in pain and distraught, and yet, they were more sober source of story in the course of recent crisis than most political analyst. I also remember a woman from Legetafo – a town in the outskirt of Addis Abeba – who had nowhere to go because her house was demolished by the local government. Frustrated and in tears, she asked, “እንደመር  እያሉ ለምን ይቀንሱናል?”. Taking a cue from Prime Minister’s philosophy of “Medemer”, or togetherness, she effortlessly exposed the logical fallacy between orthodoxy and orthopraxy of the government by asking, “Why are being side-lined in the ethos of togetherness”? Their stories have a redemptive hope because it is driven by authentic needs, not by political calculations. In what follows, therefore, I aim to channel two stories that is worth listening: That of Hachalu’s and of the victims’.

Hachalu Message: People demand unity

Hachalu was a different breed of political figure in a field that is dominated by individuals with overinflated self-image. He knows the sacrifices the Oromo people paid during the struggle. Their suffering was not a distant contemplative truth for him. It was a practical, or even a subjective one. He was right there, in the thick of it. Even when he was offered secure places, he chose to follow Gudina Tumsa’s[iv] example prioritizing people over his own safety. More than once, he has put his life on the line for this cause. And yet, he did not have personal political ambitions. His, however, was a genuine yearning to see political, economic and cultural justice served to the people he dearly loved. His political behavior was antithetical to the ethos of ego-politics.

“Believe it or not”, he said, “we defeated Tigrayan Liberation Front (TPLF)”.[v] But then, he expected a more unified Oromo leadership in the government that is now headed by an Oromo Prime Minister. However, to his utter dismay, the Oromo people did not fully experience the fruits of their struggle due to internal power struggle among the elites. His frustration was palpable on his very last interview.[vi] He pointed out that Oromo politicians are operating with their interest at center, not that of the people. In his view, the current division among the Oromo politicians is not people oriented. Everyone who vies for the highest office forms their own group that is hostile to another. As a result, people are paying a heavy price.

His first message for political elites, therefore, was that they have forgotten the people. People want to see unity – it is a bare minimum their leaders can give back to those who supported them. Because of internal bickering, Oromia religion is less secure and more volatile.  “I would rather die than seeing an Oromo killing another Oromo”,[vii] he stressed. To drive his message home, he gives a positive example of concerted effort of politicians, doctors and activists from all corners of the world during the struggle that yielded a concrete result. “Why do we make a mess out of the victory we gained?”, he asks, as if to challenge them to capitalize on that victory. Growing together through self-critique and righting the wrongs, not taring each other down, is his preferred approach to Oromo politics.

Regrettably, trying drive the attention back to the people has proven to be a dangerous thing to do. As a result, the Oromo people in particular, Ethiopia in general, has lost one of the most authentic political voice. However, his poignant plea for the people to be heard and for unity among the Oromo elites need to be heeded. A divided Oromia is a grave danger for the Oromo polity. Moreover, an internally wrangling Oromo leadership is a great risk for the whole nation because, as Hachalu once illustrated, “Oromo is a trunk”.^[viii] So corrosive, if left unaddressed, political narcissism would eat up even on the branches as well. The atrocity directed at non-Oromo civilians living in Oromia region a terrifying demonstration of this.

Furthermore, recurring violence
in the region leaves a permanent stain in the history this great people of
Oromo. This, in turn, would have negative social and economic ramifications. Fear
and mutual suspicion among ethnic and religious group would become a breeding
ground for another cycle of violence. The stories of properties of people being
attacked would discourage businesses from investing in the region.

Unified and coherent Oromia
would enable the Oromo people to negotiate its rightful place with its sister
regions and ethnic groups. By doing so, it plays tremendous role in the
stability of the nation and even the Horn of Africa.

The message of the civilian victims: We need security

Abiy
Ahmed came to power preaching love and forgiveness. It was a unique message
coming from a political figure. It did not take a long time for the nation to
fall in love with his style. However, some, including myself, warned that the
message, albeit being an fresh and uplifting one, has got a wrong messenger.[ix]

For one, the fundamental call of the state should be providing security to its citizens and administer justice. Preaching love and forgiveness is outside the institutional DNA of the state, and therefore, it should have been left for other suitable institutions.

For
another, years of political agitation that was used to topple his predecessors
had created a culture of anger. There were groups who held grudges either
because they have lost the power and privilege, or because they have lost a
chance on gaining power. In a country that does not have sufficient resources
and facilities for mass rehabilitation, Abiy Ahmed inherited a society that is
angry, fractured and frustrated. Managing an emotionally charged political
ethos needed multi-layered measures. His first and foremost priority should
have been putting in place a robust security system, especially, to protect the
masses from conflict entrepreneurs. Unfortunately, the red flags were not
heeded.

Within
a few months of his ascension to power, leaving the gaps in the security
apparatus started to show its dangerous signs. In fact, it started with an
audacious assassination attempt on the Prime Minister himself.[x]
This was followed by a series of communal violence, internal displacements and
high profile assassinations. Weak security system made Ethiopia a breeding
ground for dangerous cocktail of division and ego-politics. Some even went to
the extent of openly declaring their group as “the second government”.[xi]

The reports in the recent violence indicate
that either the security system was infiltrated by those who work to undermine the
Prime Minister, or the security apparatus is still lacking proper guidance and discipline.[xii]
Some victims say that they called law enforcement agents during the attack, but
“they were left unprotected”.[xiii]
In other cases, law enforcement agents were cooperating with perpetrators. The
fact that government officials and police officers are being arrested explains
the fact that the security system is highly compromised. The masses, needless
to say, are losing their confidence on the justice system and security
apparatus.[xiv]

Therefore, if Ethiopia has to find its way out of the current political toxicity, the leaders need to turn to the real need of the people. People need peace and tranquillity. They crave for justice and security. They want to see civility and moderation in the way their leaders negotiate their differences.

AS

Editor’s Note: Mohammed Girma (PhD) is Research Associate at the University of Pretoria and is the author of Understanding Religion and Social Change in Ethiopia (Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), and the editor of The Healing of Memories(Rowan & Littlefield, 2018). He Can Be reached at girma.mohammed@lst.ac.uk

[i] https://www.bbc.com/amharic/news-53304141

[ii] https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0169796X0802400205

[iii] http://addisstandard.com/latest-update-amhara-region-attorney-general-the-latest-victim-in-wave-of-assassinations-targeting-ethiopian-high-level-officials-alleged-coup-ringleader-killed-by-state-security/

[iv] https://dacb.org/stories/ethiopia/gudina-tumsa/

[v] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YICYVZO-8oA

[vi] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YICYVZO-8oA

[vii] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YICYVZO-8oA

[viii] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VOFCSWFVnmU

[ix] https://theconversation.com/ethiopians-want-love-and-forgiveness-but-they-want-justice-too-100678

[x] https://theconversation.com/explosion-at-rally-proves-that-ethiopia-isnt-out-of-the-woods-yet-98839

[xi] https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2018/aug/20/jawar-mohammed-return-ethiopia-political-change-oromo

[xii] https://mg.co.za/africa/2020-07-14-my-son-died-the-worst-kind-of-death-horrific-details-of-violent-unrest-in-ethiopia/

[xiii] https://addisstandard.com/in-depth-analysis-spate-of-targeted-attacks-excessive-use-of-force-by-security-in-oromia-leave-death-trails-destruction/

[xiv] https://amp.france24.com/en/20200716-we-have-nothing-ethiopia-s-ethnic-unrest-leaves-destruction-in-its-wake?__twitter_impression=true

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Hiber Radio Daily News July 23, 2020

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More than 30,000 migrant workers return home from Middle East, neighboring countries after COVID-19 onslaught
Addis Getachew |
24.07.2020

Ethiopia said Friday it has achieved the first-year target of filling the mega dam on the Blue Nile River amid talks to quell tensions with neighbors Sudan and Egypt.

“The successful filling of the dam boosted Ethiopia’s credibility on the international arena,” Dina Mufti, spokesman of the Ethiopian Foreign Ministry, said in a news conference.

The leaders of Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt met virtually again last Tuesday as part of continued negotiations on the filing and annual operation of the Ethiopian Grand Renaissance Dam (GERD).

The African Union took over facilitation of the trilateral talks in June after talks sponsored by the U.S. and the World Bank had broken down in February.

“The three countries have reached common understanding and was concluded with success and that was a victory to all the three countries,” he said.

However, sources close to the meeting who did not want to be named told Anadolu Agency that despite much talk about common understanding, there have been differences that emanate from Egypt’s insistence on historical right to the Nile while other riparian countries including Ethiopia base their Nile diplomacy on natural rights.

In another development, the spokesman said 30,087 Ethiopian citizens have been evacuated from the Middle East and neighboring countries amid the COVID-19 pandemic.

Dina said the government facilitated the return of 656 migrant workers from Beirut, 72 from Abu Dhabi, 3,539 from Saudi Arabia, 1,026 from Kuwait and the rest from neighboring countries in Africa.

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Turmoil may follow the decision to politicize the pandemic, while an election prior to reconciliation would probably be violent anyway

The House of Federation has voted to extend the term limit of all current administrations, which were due to expire on 5 October. Based on the recommendation of the Council of Constitutional Inquiry (CCI), the House of Federation (HoF) decided to prolong the ruling Prosperity Party (PP) and Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) governments until after the COVID-19 pandemic is declared to be no longer a threat to public safety.Elections will then take place within nine to 12 months of that declaration. According to the decision, the term of office of the House of Peoples’ Representatives (HoPR), the HoF, state councils and the executive at federal and state levels are also to be extended for that period. As when the COVID-19 pandemic stops being a public health threat is a subjective assessment, the decision of the HoF effectively grants Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s administration carte blanche to stay in power for years to come.

Many health experts believe that COVID-19 will continue to be a serious threat until an effective vaccine is distributed. Although there has been fast-track development because of the pandemic’s seriousness, experts believe it will take twelve to eighteen months, maybe even longer, to develop a vaccine. Even in rich countries such as the U.S., director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Disease Anthony Fauci said that he expects the U.S. to have “hundreds of millions of doses” of vaccines ready to deploy only by early 2021.

Another challenge will be vaccine nationalism. Though there are hundreds of COVID-19 vaccine candidates currently being developed, countries such as the U.S., India and Russia clearly indicated that they would like to secure priority access to doses of COVID-19 vaccines for their own populations. The fact that a growing number of countries are taking a ‘me first’ approach to developing and distributing potential vaccines, or other treatments, will delay distribution to poor countries. After development, production and distribution will also be a serious challenge for developing countries. According to the World Health Organization, there are only 25 vaccine-manufacturing plants that can distribute large quantities across the world, and of those, only some of them will have the necessary equipment to produce the kind of vaccine that is ultimately successful.

Pandemic power

Besides the lack of a clear vaccine timeline, the alarming COVID-19 surge in Latin America, Asia and Africa suggest the pandemic will continue to be a public health emergency for some time to come. As reported by New York Times, the coronavirus virus spread is now accelerating in many countries in Africa, where medical resources are stretched, rumors are rife, and efforts to stop the pandemic are sometimes haphazard.

Public health experts warn that given the current trends in incidence and underlying healthcare systems vulnerabilities, Africa could become the next epicenter of the COVID-19 pandemic. Epidemiologists at the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention warned that there is a “catastrophic shortage” of healthcare professionals and a drastic reduction of medical supplies because of border closures, price increases, and export restrictions imposed during the pandemic. In light of uncertainties in production and distribution of the vaccine and a surge in COVID-19 infections, the decision of HoF tying the national polls to the pandemic confers Abiy power to rule for the unforeseeable future.

The government response to the pandemic may not be dictated solely by public health contingencies. Human Rights Watch warns that authoritarian leaders could use the coronavirus crisis as a pretext to silence critics and consolidate power. Some governments are using the public health crisis as cover to seize new powers that have little to do with the outbreak, with few safeguards to ensure that their new authority will not be abused.

Likewise, there is a concern that the Prosperity Party may use the state of emergency to consolidate its position. After declaring a state of emergency, the ruling party took steps to extend its monopoly on power. The emergency grants the government broader powers to adopt all necessary means to preserve peace and security in the country, including the suspensions of political rights. Following the declaration, parliament approved election postponement and HoF decided Abiy could stay in office beyond his mandate. As political disagreements heat up in the coming months, the ruling party could take other draconian measures to silence opponents.

Politicization

In addition to the controversy over postponement, the lack of a clear policy framework for ending the state of emergency cast doubts over the commitment of the ruling party to phase-out the emergency and reinvigorate democratization.  Since the political and health institutions are closely linked with the ruling party, winding up the state of emergency may not necessarily depend on data and scientific evidence. In the absence of independent institutions supervising the government, the emergency could potentially stay in force long after the pandemic ceases to be a threat.

The power grab concerns may cause instability and even lead to rejection of public health measures to combat the virus. COVID-19 did indeed require election postponement. However, the HoF decision disregarded the concerns of the opposition and experts. Multiple parties proposed  recommendations ranging from the formation of a transitional government to constitutional amendment. In the extreme case, the State Council of Tigray led by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front decided to go ahead with regional election as scheduled. In light of such objections, the failure of the HoF to consider the proposals and concerns of opposition groups is an authoritarian approach that undermines democratization and reconciliation.

Judicial review

Furthermore, the legal avenue used to extend the term of the ruling parties violates principles of constitutional interpretation. Whether in Common or Continental Law systems, interpretation arises when there are disputes on the meaning and scope of a constitutional provision, law, or decisions of a government agency. Though Ethiopia has a unique interpretation system, the principles do not deviate from universal norms. As indicated in Article 84 of the constitution, the CCI has the power to investigate disputes when a law is contested as unconstitutional and any court or interested party submits a dispute.

In addition, previous CCI cases support the argument that the council only deliberates on disputes. Though Article 93 (1) of the constitution allows the government to decree an emergency in the face of an epidemic, the CCI does not have the power to deliberate on the applicability of the clause unless an interested party contests it. In the absence of such a dispute, the CCI should not have entertained the case referred to it by the HoPR.

The CCI Proclamation provides that constitutional interpretation on any un-justiciable matter may be submitted to the Council by one-third or more members of the federal or state councils or by federal or state executive organs. Though Proclamation No 798/2013 grants the CCI the power to review non(un) -justiciable matters, the issue of postponing an election is not one of the issues that fall under the category of ‘(un)non-justiciable matters’.

‘Non-justiciable’ is defined as ‘not capable of being decided by legal principles or by a court of justice.’ Non-justiciability refers to a case where the issue is said to be inherently unsuitable for judicial determination. When there is no legal issue involved, judicial bodies decline to adjudicate cases citing non-justiciability. Courts also apply non-justiciability when the issue in question is beyond the constitutional competence assigned to the courts under the separation of powers principle.  The reason why judicial bodies refrain from reviewing non-justiciable cases is due to the danger of getting entangled in partisan politics. Normally, the preferred solution for non-justiciable cases is political rather than judicial.

The case referred to CCI on the extension of the term limit of the incumbent party is a justiciable matter. The constitution provides for holding elections, declaring state of emergency, and other issues relevant to postponing the election and extending term limits. These issues need to be resolved by contested cases adjudicated in a judicial proceeding.  The CCI could only have the jurisdiction to deliberate on such cases after a court of law refers the matter for interpretation. CCI cannot assume primary jurisdiction to review such a matter based on its jurisdiction over non(un)-justiciable matters. The dubious way CCI assumed jurisdiction over the case and the consequent ruling to extend term limits violates standard principles of constitutional interpretation and displays the inadequate nature of the institutions designed to check the government’s powers.

Untenable status quo

This is a serious error of judgement and process as extension of the incumbents’ terms is obviously highly divisive. Although most opposition parties rejected the government’s approach, there are activists, commentators, and scholars who argue that Abiy’s administration needs to stay in power to uphold peace and stability, as well as manage the country’s transition to democracy. These groups are concerned that if a transitional government is formed, the power struggle and disagreement between political groups may lead the country into chaos.

Though these groups have legitimate concerns, their arguments are neither exhaustive nor far-sighted. The current administration may have the strength to preserve peace and stability in the short-term. However, unless the country undergoes a transition to reconcile polarized political camps, the country’s fragile system could degenerate into chaos any time. The unilateral postponement of the election could easily trigger countrywide violence that may not silenced by age-old draconian methods. Unless a new consensus emerges, counting on Abiy’s administration as a bastion of peace and stability is fanciful.

Electoral limits

Furthermore, not only was Ethiopia unprepared to run an election before COVID-19 outbreak, it cannot conduct a free, fair and peaceful election under the existing divisive constitutional system. Since political parties have deep divisions over the ethnic-based federal arrangement, the legitimacy of the constitution, and historical narratives, the multifaceted problems of Ethiopia will not be resolved through an election. The leaders who consider holding elections as indispensable are either entirely preoccupied with power or they do not understand the potentially devastating outcomes of holding an election in a deeply divided country like Ethiopia.

In fractured societies, tensions between ethnic groups undermine government legitimacy, social tolerance, and intercommunal trust. Often, divided societies face challenges in holding democratic elections, maintaining political stability, and accommodating rival ethnic groups. When deeply divided groups try to resolve their differences through the ballot box, the election process and result will be deeply divisive and lead to a deadly turmoil, further harming national unity.

After the deadly ethnic violence following the 2007 elections in Kenya, political groups reached a consensus that led to the ratification of a new constitution, which later became the foundation for an enhanced democratization process. In post-apartheid South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party (NP) engaged in prolonged dialog and negotiation to resolve their differences and advance shared goals.

The ANC wanted a unitary state that would be capable of transforming the conditions wrought by apartheid while the NP and other smaller parties feared that the unitary system would undermine minority rights. Despite their differences, the parties reached a consensus through a multi-party transitional process where they all participated and decided the core constitutional principles and the structure of the government that have become the foundation of the democratic system in South Africa.

Missed opportunities

In the Ethiopian context, the COVID-19 emergency can be a blessing in disguise that provides us the opportunity to focus on forging consensus and reconciliation. Ethiopia had missed many ‘golden opportunities’ that could have led to a peaceful democratic transition.  Some of the missed opportunities include the regime changes in 1974 and 1991 as well the popular movement during the 2005 general elections. Once again, history has given us another chance to discard our political strife and embrace peace and seek consensus. The contending political forces in the country need to use this opportunity before they miss the boat again.

Rather than being preoccupied with sustaining its power, the ruling party should use the opportunity to facilitate an inclusive transitional process that ensures the participation of opposition parties, scholars, activists, and civic and religious leaders. The transitional process needs to focus on achieving a political compromise on the contentious issues and constitutional reform that reflects the interests and aspirations of the country’s major political groups.

Rather than wrangling over the next election, Ethiopia badly needs an approach that heals its deep divisions. To achieve this, the government and the opposition need to abandon their rigidity. On the part of the incumbent, it needs to reconsider its plan to control power unilaterally, while opposition groups need to renounce their uncompromising rhetoric about the election and the constitution.

If both groups are committed to engaging in honest and open dialog, there could be an opportunity to address our thorniest issues. Unless both the government and opposition parties pursue such a course, the country may be heading for a political tsunami that would inflict enormous damage.

The post Neither premier’s power grab nor polls will unpick our political puzzle appeared first on Satenaw Ethiopian News/Breaking News.

Hiber Radio Daily News July 24, 2020

The post Hiber Radio Daily News July 24, 2020 appeared first on Satenaw Ethiopian News/Breaking News.

By Alemayehu G. Mariam

Author’s Note: For the past two years, I have carefully monitored Al Jazeera news reporting and op-ed publications on Ethiopia.

In its news reporting, Al Jazeera has consistently given slanted attention to stories which create and promote the impression Ethiopia is an ethnic powder keg ready to blow up. Its government is weak and inept. Lawlessness is rampant throughout the land, and the world should expect to see the implosion of Ethiopia at any time. On the issue of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), Al Jazeera has been a megaphone for Egypt’s lies, fake news and disinformation.

In its op-ed pages, Al Jazeera has maintained open doors for individuals who are critical or condemnatory of the current government and Ethiopian politics in general. Individuals who paint a dark and pessimistic outlook on Ethiopia, consistent with Al Jazeera’s basic narrative, are given unfettered access to unload their venom. One would be hard pressed to find an oped piece in the the web pages of Al Jazeera that speaks well of Ethiopia, its government or the tectonic political transformation taking place in the country over the past two year.

Anyone can verify my assertions by googling Al Jazeera news and op-ed pieces on Ethiopia.

I understand why Al Jazeera would prefer not to present a balanced view on Ethiopia. They have their own agenda to systematically undermine, discredit and destabilize Ethiopia through their media.

That said and to be perfectly frank, I don’t give a rat’s ass about Al Jazeera and its yellow journalism.

However, I shall hold Al Jazeera  accountable by its declared “Editorial Standards” of professionalism and impartiality.

Indeed, I have a problem with the unexplained editorial decision to reject my op-ed piece after I proposed and was subsequently invited to submit one with noteworthy enthusiasm.

I first contacted Carla Bower, Senior Editor, Al Jazeera, Digital Innovation & Program Directorate, on July 6, 2020 to lodge a complaint about Al Jazeera’s blatant partiality to points of views that are critical of and patently hostile to Ethiopia and the Government of Ethiopia.

In her same day reply, Bower “thanked” me “so much for getting in touch” and indicated she “would love to see a draft, if you have one available.” She further told me “opinion pieces be around 800 to 1,000 words, but there is some flexibility.”

In the 15 days following my  submission, there was no follow up by Bower. I had to email Bower periodic reminders asking for a status update.

To my first follow up, Bower replied, “please bear with us – we’re currently reviewing pieces and will get back to you very soon.”

“Very soon” ended up being seven days and no word from Bower until I sent another follow up email.

To add insult to injury, Bower in her last email dismissively stated, “I thought one of my colleagues had been in touch” to let me know she was declining the op-ed piece.

Bower did not even have the courtesy to respond to me directly after she had sent me an enthusiastic email stating, “I would love to see a draft, if you have one available.”

Of course, Bower is manifestly disingenuous when she said she had assigned a colleague to inform me of her decision “to pass” (not accept the op-ed piece).

The amount of time  Bower would have taken to instruct a colleague and forward him/her my email to respond is much more than the time it would take for Bower to email me the seven word sentence she finally did, “Unfortunately, we’ll have to pass this time.”

It is obvious to me that Bower thought if she did not respond to my follow up emails, I would get frustrated and forget about the whole thing.

What is even more interesting is the fact that Bower gave no reason whatsoever why Al Jazeera declined my op-ed piece after specifically requesting a draft.

In my initial email, I set out my reasons why Al Jazeera should, consistent with its policy of impartiality and fairness, allow for competing perspectives and not be partial to those critical of the Ethiopian government.

In my experience, once a media outlet has requested to see a draft of an op-ed, a response to accept and reject is made within 24-48 hours, and often within hours. . Unsolicited submissions are often ignored or given a robotic response.

Suffice it to say that my op-ed disrupted Al Jazeera’s pity party for Ethiopia. My op-ed piece, fully documented, went against Al Jazeera’s narrative of doom and gloom for Ethiopia.

I am convinced if my op-ed piece had trashed Ethiopia, trash-talked the Ethiopian people and condemned the Ethiopian government, Al Jazeera would have published it in a N.Y. minute.

In the op-ed I sent to Al Jazeera (included below), I call out the names of those who have been arrested inciting violence, propagating hate and strife and repeatedly demonstrated in action they are hell bent on wreaking havoc in Ethiopia with ample evidence.

Of course, the names I called out in my op-ed draft are Al Jazeera’s darlings who have been previously given multiple opportunities to trash-talk Ethiopia.

I also named those who are doing their jobs preserving the rule of law and maintaining law and order and the substantial evidence they have assembled for a criminal prosecution.

Al Jazeera can hate on Ethiopia, publish trash and interview trash-talkers on Ethiopia. But Al Jazeera should know in Ethiopia we don’t talk trash, we move it!

That said, I want to openly, publicly, shamelessly and gloatingly brag on Al Jazeera!!

Al Jazeera is the propaganda machine of the government of Qatar, an absolute monarchy.

Ethiopia is a republic and a flowering democracy.

Get a load of this Al Jazeera!

In the 2018 Press Freedom Index, Ethiopia was ranked 150/180. Qatar was ranked  125/180.

In the 2020 Press Freedom Index, Ethiopia was ranked 99/180 countries. Qatar was ranked 129/180.

In 2 years, Ethiopia moved up a breathtaking and stunning 51 positions. Such an improvement has never been recorded in Press Freedom Index history.

In 2 years, Qatar slid down 4 positions.

Any questions, Al Jazeera? I didn’t think so!

I am proud as peacock when I say, “Ethiopia has far greater press freedom than Qatar, home of Al Jazeera.”

I say, “Eat your heart out Al Jazeera!”, to substitute a phrase more appropriate for polite company.

Al Jazeera, please don’t hate Ethiopia because she is making giant strides towards multiparty democracy, institutionalizing the rule of law and rising like the sun over the African landscape!

Below the reader will find the following: 

1) Complete documentation on my recent email communications with the Carla Bower, Senior Editor of the Al Jazeera, Digital Innovation & Program Directorate regarding an op-ed piece I submitted. (The complete email communication is available in pdf format HERE.)

2) The draft op-ed piece I submitted to Al Jazeera.

In summary, following the assassination of Haachaalu Hundessa, the hugely popular Ethiopian singer and peerless defender of democracy, freedom and human rights, Al Jazeera made its resources available to opponents and critics of the Ethiopian government.

As a proud supporter of Prime Minster Abiy Ahmed and his government, I was disappointed and indignant over Al Jazeera’s manifest partiality to government critics. So, I wrote an email to Carla Bower, the Senior Editor of the Al Jazeera, Digital Innovation & Program. I stated with specificity my complaints about the lack of impartiality.

Here goes the rest of the story…

My email to Carla Bower dated July 6, 2020

Greetings Ms. Bower: I am writing to register my disappointment over Al Jazeera’s coverage of events in Ethiopia over the past several days and to inquire if you would be willing to consider an op-ed piece that will offer a balanced view.

On July 4, Al Jazeera broadcast an interview (see link below) with three individuals which offered a one-sided view of the situation. The Human Rights Watch representative castigated the Ethiopian government for alleged human rights abuses. The former U.S. ambassador determined the suspects arrested in the recent assassination of a well-known musical artists were “political prisoners” despite the fact that the suspects were caught in flagrante delicto. A university lecturer also condemned the government with blanket accusations without much challenge by the interviewer.

On July 5, Al Jazeera published an op-ed piece by the aforementioned lecturer. See link below. On July 6, on the Al Jazeera Stream (see link below), three individuals, including the aforementioned lecturer, were interviewed again, along with a known opponent of the Ethiopian government, and another person.

I fully respect Al Jazeera’s editorial decisions in its interviews. Presenting the views of a government opponent on three successive days on a major international media glaringly

questions Al Jazeera’s fairness and impartiality in its global journalistic efforts. I should like to believe the last few days are the exception to Al Jazeera’s subscription to universal journalistic principles of fairness and impartiality.

I would like to respectfully ask you to consider an op-ed submission from me on the current situation in Ethiopia to balance what has been put out by Al Jazeera over the past few days. I would be glad to submit a draft for your consideration if you are interested. Please let me know the op-ed word limit should you be favorably disposed to a submission-

For your information, I am an “Opinion Contributor” to The Hill and maintain a blog page on the Huffington Post. I have published op-ed pieces on different topics in various outlets.

If you inquire with Ethiopians in general or online, you will find out that I am, arguably, one of the most well-known Ethiopian human rights advocate. Since 2006, I have written widely read weekly commentaries, without missing a single week, on Ethiopian human rights and political issues. All of my commentaries are available at almariam.com

I am Emeritus Professor of Political Science at California State University, San Bernardino. I am also a lawyer in California with 30 years experience in criminal defense and civil litigation. I am also the chairman of the Ethiopian Diaspora Trust Fund.

Best regards,

Alemayehu G. (Al) Mariam, M.A., Ph.D., J.D., ESQ

Links referenced above:

https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/insidestory/2020/07/ethiopia-bridge-ethnicdivide-200704195012799.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/haacaaluu-hundeessaa-towering-musicianoromo-icon-200705121750500.html

Carla Bower’s same day response to my July 6, 2020 email:

Thank you so much for getting in touch. I would love to see a draft, if you have one available.

We usually ask that opinion pieces be around 800 to 1,000 words, but there is some flexibility.

With thanks and warmest regards

Carla Bower

Senior Editor | AJE Online Department

Digital Innovation & Prog. Directorate

Digital Division

My July 9, 2020 response to Carla Bower’s July 6, 2020 email:

Ms. Bower: Below please find my op-ed submission. It is 1,088 words, excluding my bio statement and references to video clip locations. Please note that the videos included in the hyperlinks are in the Amharic language and I have provided the time stamp for the relevant clip sections. Feel free to have the translation verified by anyone proficient in Amharic. I am not sure if it is your editorial policy to include hyperlinks in op-eds but if so the hyperlinks are provided for your editorial convenience to make verifications. Please let me know if you have any questions. I am available on my cell if you wish to talk to me…. Many thanks for letting me submit a draft for your consideration.

Best regards,

Al

This is the true and accurate copy of the op-ed piece I emailed Carla Bower on July 9, 2020.

Road Bumps on Ethiopia’s Journey to Multiparty Democracy

 1088 words excluding bio and video clip designations.

Following the assassination of the popular Ethiopian singer activist Haachaalu Hundessa on June 29, 2020, some media pundits have been presaging deepening intercommunal political crises in the country. Others warned Ethiopia “will explode if it doesn’t move beyond ethnic-based politics.”

To paraphrase Mark Twain’s quip, “Ethiopia’s imminent political implosion and collapse into civil war are greatly exaggerated.”

The targeted assassination of singer activist Haachaalu was part of a putschist plot to swiftly seize power by overwhelming, paralyzing and overthrowing the government of PM Abiy Ahmed in mob army invasion during Haachaalu’s funeral in the capital.

As the saying goes, “The best-laid plans of mice and men often go awry.” The plot fizzled but not without significant loss of life  and wanton destruction of property by misguided roving gangs seeking to effect ethnic cleansing. A grenade attack reportedly killed eight people in the capital.

Over three dozen suspects, including the self-styled leader of the Queeroo youth movement, Jawar Mohammed and his accomplice Bekele Gerba were immediately taken into custody.

Over the past two years, Mr. Mohammad had presented himself in public not so much as a political leader but a warlord. In a 2018 interview, Mr. Mohammad boldly and presciently declared, “There are two governments [in Ethiopia]… The government in power now and the Queeroo government. If I wanted to break off [secede] Oromia, I could do it… We had the capacity to put a ring [surround] around Addis Ababa and within 24 hours bring it under our control. If we wanted. If we wanted to do it now, nobody can prevent us. The people in government know this!”

It appears the killing of the singer activist was the fuse intended to blow up the communal powder keg and expedite seizure of power in 24 hours.

On July 3, 2020, Ethiopia’s federal police commissioner Endashaw Tassew reported [see clip 19:42-22:44] the putsch had been in planning for some time. He said the murder of was intended to spark communal violence and undermine public confidence in the government by creating the  impression the country is rudderless, with a divided political, military and security leadership.

On July 6, 2020, Adanech Abebe, the first woman Attorney General in Ethiopian history, in a press conference stated the plot involving Mr. Mohammad and Mr. Gerba was guided by the slogan, “We will begin the insurrection in Addis Ababa and we will finish it in Addis Ababa in June.” She said her office has gathered substantial evidence on the conspiracy on the suspects and their plans to create chaos in the country and seized weapons and communication equipment. PM Abiy’s office has released a detailed update on the current situation.

The murder of singer activist Haachaalu must be seen in perspective. In June 2018, an unsuccessful attempt to seize power was made by assassinating Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. In June 2019, another violent attempt to overthrow the government was made by killing top military and political leaders. In June 2020, Haachalu was assassinated for the same purpose. PM Abiy has fingered the leaders of the former regime that ruled Ethiopia for over a quarter of a century as the invisible hands in the plot.

In my view, the putschist made a move believing the government of PM Abiy to be weak due to internal and external pressures. Indeed, the killing of the singer activist took place on the very day Ethiopia was defending its right to build and operate the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam in the U.N. Security Council. They underestimated the resolve and determination of PM Abiy, the 2019 Nobel Peace Laureate, whose mantra has been, “peace, reconciliation, dialogue and give-and-take” in setting Ethiopia on the pathway to democracy and prosperity. In his Nobel acceptance speech, P.M. Abiy explained his philosophy of Medemer as “a covenant of peace that seeks unity in our common humanity.”

Over the past two years, PM Abiy has undertaken substantial democratic reforms by opening the political space to the opposition maximizing freedom of speech and of the press. He has embraced the free market system and accelerated privatization of key state enterprises. He has released political prisoners and replaced oppressive laws.

Various international human rights groups, including Human Rights Watch have criticized the government for heavy-handedness, and recently called for “lifting internet shutdown, avoiding force at protests and freeing unjustly held politicians.”

Over the past couple of years, PM Abiy has been criticized at home for not upholding the rule of law in the face of atrocities and criminality taking place in the country. It has been a Catch-22 situation for him. When he takes firm law enforcement action, he is criticized for heavy-handedness. When he does not, he is criticized for being a weakling and appeaser of outlaws. In its 2019 human rights report, the U.S. State department reported, “Under Prime Minister Abiy, there has been an increased focus on the rule of law.”

Ethiopia will not be another Rwanda. Those who criticize the Ethiopian government for taking action to enforce the law and preserve the country’s integrity and peace should heed the lessons of Rwanda.

Lawlessness, liberty and democracy cannot coexist. Human rights cannot be a fortress behind which criminals and terrorists can commit atrocities with impunity. Upholding the rule of law against the violent overthrow of constitutional government is neither a blow to freedom nor an abuse of power.

Paraphrasing the late U.S. Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson, “The choice in Ethiopia today is not between order and liberty. It is between liberty with order and anarchy without either.” To sit by idly is to become a party to a suicide pact.

Building multiparty democracy in a country that has suffered decades of dictatorial rule is not a bed of roses. There will be bumps on Ethiopia’s journey on the road to democracy.  Ultimately, building democracy is a labor of love and those who practice the politics of hate in Ethiopia will surely lose the battle for the hearts and minds of the people.

Abraham Lincoln said, “The ballot is stronger than the bullet.” The idea that “power grows out of the barrel of the gun” is outmoded and has no place in Ethiopia. Power grows out of the ballot box, not the cartridge of bullets.

Nelson Mandela’s observation about South Africa is equally true of today’s Ethiopia. “It is not our diversity which divides us; it is not our ethnicity, or religion or culture that divides us. Since we have achieved our freedom, there can only be one division amongst us: between those who cherish democracy and those who do not.”

==================

Bio: Alemayehu (Al) Mariam is Emeritus Professor of Political Science at California State University.

My follow up email to Carla Bower of July 11, 2020

Greetings Ms. Bower: Hope all is well with you. After I submitted my op-ed piece (see below), I was hoping to hear from you. I understand you are busy, but I would appreciate the favor of an acknowledgement or reply. Many thanks.

Regards,

Al

Carla Bower’s email reply dated July 13, 2020.  

Dear Al

Please bear with us – we’re currently reviewing pieces and will get back to you very soon.

With thanks and warmest regards

Carla Bower

Senior Editor | AJE Online Department

Digital Innovation & Prog. Directorate

Digital Division

My reply to Carla Bower dated July 13, 2020.

It is good to hear from you Carla. Many thanks.

Best,

Al

My follow up email to Carla Bower dated July 18, 2020.

Hi Carla: Hope all is well with you. I am just following up on your email from Monday [July 13].

Thanks.

Best regards,

Al

Carla Bower’s reply dated July 21

Dear Al

I do apologise – I thought one of my colleagues had been in touch.

Unfortunately, we’ll have to pass this time.

With thanks and warmest regards

Carla Bower

Senior Editor | AJE Online Department

Digital Innovation & Prog. Directorate

Digital Division

Postscript

Special message to all Ethiopians:

Our enemies within and without an working day and night, and often in concert and chaoots, to promote conflict and strife and propagate lies, fake news and disinformation.

These vicious enemies without come garbed as “media”, “press”, “human rights organizations” and display other soft labels. Make no mistake, they are all wolves in sheep’s clothing. These  organizations are best described by one of our old sayings, “Their lips drip with butter but they carry a dagger in their hearts. አፉ ቂቤ ልቡ ጩቤ ።”

We must fight these enemies –expose their lies, fake news, fake facts, fake analysis and disinformation — online, in the blogosphere, in cyberspace, on Facebook, Twitter, Youtube and Instagram.

If need be, we must fight them in the courtroom, boardroom, classroom, press room and newsroom.

Let us never forget!

With our enemies within and without, we are engaged in a battle for hearts and minds of the Ethiopian people and to sway the court of world public opinion to understand our struggles with centuries-old political problems and stand with us as we pursue our aspirations for human dignity, prosperity and national integrity.

In this battle, we must be guided by one and only one principle: “If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself but not the enemy, for every victory gained you will also suffer a defeat. If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle.”

Let us know our enemies and prepare ourselves to engage the enemy without wherever and whenever they strike.

The Ethiopian people UNITED will not be defeated by enemies within or without.

A luta continua! (The struggle continues!)

The post Why Does Al Jazeera Hate Ethiopia? appeared first on Satenaw Ethiopian News/Breaking News.

Hiber Radio with Dr Getachew Begashaw July 30, 2020

The post Hiber Radio with Dr Getachew Begashaw July 30, 2020 appeared first on Satenaw Ethiopian News/Breaking News.

Hiber Radio Daily Ethiopian News Aug 3, 2020

The post Hiber Radio Daily Ethiopian News Aug 3, 2020 appeared first on Satenaw Ethiopian News/Breaking News.

By Alemayehu G. Mariam

Special Author’s Note: In this commentary/blog, I offer my full and unconditional support to the people of Tigray in their struggle against the reactionary leadership, cadres, supporters and bottom feeders of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

I am proud to say over the past decade and half there have been few in the Ethiopian diaspora who have relentlessly pursued and opposed the TPLF with greater resolve and unremitting determination than myself.

The TLF has pressed its boots on the necks of the people of Tigray for well over four decades. The people of Tigray have been quietly gasping, “We can’t breathe!”

To me, the “TP” in TPLF stands for “Totally Paranoid” and the “LF” for “Lie Factory”.

The TPLF has been scaring and lying to the people of Tigray for decades. They have been scaring them about an imaginary genocide. They have been lying about the crimes against humanity they have committed in the name of the people of Tigray.

Of course, no sensible and reasonable person would buy the TPLF’s scare tactics and damned lies.

Tigray is the cradle of Ethiopian civilization. Many of Ethiopia’s greatest national heroes came from Tigray. All Ethiopians gathered on the battlefield of Adwa in 1896 and proved to the world that no colonial power could defeat them. Ethiopians united and the colonial Italian army was decimated. That battle that lasted just one-half day!

When Egypt invaded Ethiopia in 1875-76 to establish its dominance on the Nile, it was King Yohannes IV of Tigray who decimated them at the Battles of Gura and Gundet. The bonds of family, marriage, culture and tradition between the people of Tigray and the rest of Ethiopia is unbreakable. This is a fact I know to be true in my personal life.

There is no reasonable Ethiopian who wants or even thinks about a war on the people of Tigray. But the hard core TPLF leaders think they can prolong their political lives by preaching gloom and doom to the people of Tigray.

Of course, the people of Tigray are not buying the TPLF’s load of political garbage.

But they cannot speak their peace because the TPLF has its AK-47s trained on their head.

Like Sam Cooke sang it, “It’s been a long, long time comin’, but I know A change gon’ come/ Oh, yes it will.”

No doubt about it. A magnificent change is coming to Tigray!

Today, the struggle against the TPLF in Tigray is gaining increased momentum.

My friends in Mekele tell me the TPLF is undergoing a tectonic shake-up.

There is a group coalescing around Deberetsion Gebremichael, Seeye Abraha and Tsadkan Gebremichael and others.

A reactionary group is orbiting around TPLF godfather “Aboy” Sebhat Nega and underbosses Seyoum Mesfin and Abay Tsehaiye and their ilk who are scheming to take full control of the TPLF.

The internal TPLF struggle is between those who want to live peacefully with their Ethiopian brothers and sisters and those who want to maintain their power by creating conflict between the people of Tigray and the rest of Ethiopians.

There are other groups and parties including Arena Party, Tigray Democratic Party and Fenqil Youth Movement who want to find solutions through the constitutional and political process and have their own aspirations for the people of Tigray.

But the struggle within and against the TPLF is about the future of the people of Tigray.

It is about whether the people of Tigray will live in peace with each other and the rest of their Ethiopian brothers and sisters. It is about their future development and progress.

There is no question that the vast majority of the people of Tigray want to live harmoniously and in peace with their other Ethiopian brothers and sisters.

There is also no question that there are people like TPLF Uber Boss Sebhat Nega and his lieutenants Seyoum Mesfin, Abay Tsehai and assorted minions want to maintain their power by making cannon fodder of the young people of Tigray.

So, all peace and freedom loving Ethiopians must make one and only one choice: Stand with the people of Tigray on the right side of history and against the TPLF and its long history of criminality, inhumanity and venality.

I want to declare my choice without condition or reservation: I stand with the people of Tigray and against the TPLF as I always have!

In one glorious day, I had a lifetime of experience in Tigray.

I was fortunate enough to witness the opening of the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea at Zalambessa and Bure on Ethiopian New Year’s Day in 2018, after two decades of needless enmity.

That day, I was in the middle of a sea of tears of joy as tens of thousands of people in Tigray welcomed the opening of the border.

That day, I joined the people of Tigray in shedding tears of joy in tearing down the wall and the groundbreaking for the building a bridge to Eritrea.

That day, I shed tears of joy with the people of Tigray as they hugged and kissed relatives and friends as a new day dawned bringing the people of Eritrea and Ethiopia together.

That day, I shed tears of joy with people of Tigray as the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea resolved to “beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning hooks” and pledged “nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war anymore.”

I was there. It was one of the happiest days in my life!

Today, I shed tears of sorrow for the people of Tigray as I watch the die-hard leaders of the TPLF trying to build a wall of hate, distrust and enmity around Tigray and make is an island of oppression.

Today, I shed tears of sorrow as the die-hard TPLF leaders prepare to make cannon fodder of the children of poor Tigrean farmers while their children are living in the lap of luxury in America and Europe.

Today, I shed tears of sorrow as the ruthless TPLF warlords terrorize the suffering people of Tigray by forcing them to prepare for an imaginary war.

Today, I shed tears of sorrow as the heartless TPLF criminals run an open-air prison for the people of Tigray.

Today, I call on all freedom loving Ethiopians to take a stand in support of the people of Tigray, elements in the TPLF who want to live peacefully with their brothers and sisters in the rest of Ethiopia and all progressive forces committed to toppling the evil empire of the TPLF.

In the following analysis, I aim to make my case in support of the people of Tigray. The people of Tigray, like the rest of their Ethiopians bothers and sisters, deserve freedom, democracy, rule by law and respect for their human rights.

I stand proudly with the people of Tigray in their struggle against the TPLF

Why do I stand with the people of Tigray?

Let the record show.

I have always defended the people of Tigray as victims of the TPLF:

My question is about the ordinary people of Tigray, the 85 percent plus eking out a living scratching the land? Are they also not victimized by the TPLF, which uses their name to legitimize its own corruption and criminality?

When Tigreans are moved around by the TPLF in other regions for apparent economic advantage and are viewed by their compatriots as TPLF militia and occupying forces, are they not victimized?

When the TPLF slices and cuts historically recognized territory and purports to transfer it to Tigray region causing deadly ethnic strife and enmity between Ethiopians who have lived peacefully for generations, does that not victimize the people of Tigray as much as others?

I have no doubts whatsoever that if the people of Tigray were given an opportunity to have a referendum on the TPLF, they would throw out those corrupt criminal rascals faster than you can say TPLF (Hewahat).

But they have never been given that opportunity!

The people of Tigray under TPLF rule today do not have the right to speak. To elect their own leaders. To enjoy basic human rights.

The people of Tigray are pawns in the hands of the TPLF.

The people of Tigray are used as human shields, hostages by the TPLF.

The people of Tigray are terrorized with propaganda they are in imminent danger of genocide.

In short, the people of Tigray are enslaved by the TPLF!

The adage is true. One cannot teach old dogs new tricks.

It is impossible to teach new tricks to the aging, long-in-the-tooth, stone-hearted leaders, cadres, henchmen and bottom feeders at the trough of corruption of the TPLF who today are finally facing the music before the people of Tigray.

I have always said the word “liberation” in TPLF is the greatest insult heaped on the people of Tigray.

That is because “TP” in TPLF stands for “Totally Paranoid” and the “LF” for “Lie Factory”.

I am proud to say I coined a new word in the English language, “thugtatorship”, to describe the TPLF.

A thugtatorship is a government of thugs, for thugs, by thugs. A thugtatorship is a dictatorship of thugs.

The TPLF is the sworn enemy of the people of Tigray and all Ethiopians.

Today, the people of Tigray are under the thumbs and boots of thug dictators. All Ethiopians must do all they can to help free them form TPLF bondage.

Why do I stand against the TPLF?

In 2016, I wrote:

The T-TPLF has long traded on the myth that its fate and destiny is in fact the fate and destiny of the people of Tigray. The truth is that the T-TPLF represents no one but its members, supporters and cronies from all ethnic groups and religions who feed at its trough of corruption.

To me, the TPLF represents the people of Tigray as much as the bloodthirsty Khmer Rouge represented the people of Kampuchea (Cambodia).

I have always opposed the TPLF for very specific reasons.

First, the TPLF is a terrorist organization.

The TPLF is currently listed on the Global Terrorism Database for documented acts of terrorism including armed robberies, assaults, hostage taking and kidnapping of foreign nationals and journalists and local leaders, hijacking of truck convoys, extortion of business owners and merchants, nongovernmental organizations, local leaders and private citizens and intimidation of religious leaders and journalists.

The last recorded act of terrorism by the TPLF was committed on August 26, 2016, although the yet-to-be documented acts of terrorism span decades.

Second, the TPLF is an organization that has committed untold crimes against humanity in the bush and for over a quarter of a century while it held the mantle of power in Ethiopia.

Third, the TPLF is a racketeering mafia-type organization involved in massive corruption schemes, money laundering, extortion, infiltration of legitimate businesses, tax fraud, brokering and enforcing illegal agreements and stealing business plans and appropriating it.

In 2014, I described the TPLF as cancer on the Ethiopian body politic.

Today, out of power and out of luck, the TPLF has become a virus, much worse than Covid-19, in the Tigrean and broader Ethiopian body politic.

Like any virus, the TPLF has no life of its own.

It survives and thrives as a deadly infectious agent replicating itself in other organisms in society.

The TPLF virus penetrated political organizations, the bureaucracy, the military, the security, regional and local governments, churches and mosques, schools and universities.

Fortunately, we have found the vaccine for the TPLF virus called UNITY, HUMANITY AND PROSPERITY.

I have always supported those who stood up to the thugtatorship of the TPLF

Let the record show (almariam.com) that I have always supported those who have mustered the courage to stand up to the thugtatorship of the TPLF.

When Seeye Abraha, the former defense minister of the TPLF, was released from prison in 2007 after serving 6 years on corruption charges, I was the first to come out and support him.

I have had various opportunities to speak with Seeye when he lived in the United States and especially when he was doing his graduate work at Harvard. I had the opportunity to edit his article “Election 2010: a Retrospective” for the International Journal of Ethiopian Studies.

As I wrote in 2007 and later confirmed in personal conversations, Seeye impressed me by his magnanimity in rising above his personal misfortunes to make an unequivocal public affirmation of faith and commitment to the rule of law, the need for an independent judiciary and uncompromising position on Ethiopian unity.

I was most impressed by what Seeye said after his release from prison. He said the struggle waged by his former party members was not merely to overthrow the Derg but build a just and fair society in Ethiopia.

In February 2018, less than six weeks before the TPLF was kicked out of power, I crossed pens with Tsadkan Gebretensae, a former TPLF general.

Tsadkan had warned “the current situation in the country is beyond the control and management capabilities of the current system”, and advised “only an independent commission, which is free from the dominance of the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) can save the country from any unforeseen fate that awaits it.” He proposed an independent commission to transition Ethiopia to a peaceful change.

I was hypercritical of Tsadkan’s ideas. I doubted his sincerity and good faith in making his proposals. But in today’s Ethiopia, all are free to present their ideas for constructive change and engage in robust debate and discussion.

Let the best idea prevail! Let the people decide!

I stood up and publicly supported Amdom Gebreselassie in December 2018 when he  declared, “The TPLF and their extremist allies living abroad are targeting the people of Tigray. These are people who hate and have an evil view of the Tigrean people.”

Amdom told TPLF godfather Sebhat Nega the naked truth:

When TPLF was chased out of Addis Ababa, you started agitating the people as if the people of Tigray are going to be destroyed. As if Tigray is going to be destroyed. As if it is the end of Tigray.

Amdom explained:

TPLF leaders keep talking about TPLF and the people of Tigray as if they are one and the same. How is it possible they could be the same? The poor people of Tigray have nothing to eat or drink. When TPLF leaders are stealing billions of dollars, how can it be said the TPLF and the people of Tigray are the same? Now, the people of Tigray are in a state of poverty, they are going into exile.

I had an opportunity to meet very briefly Debretsion Gebremichael in August 2018, when I visited Ethiopia after 48 years.

It was a chance meeting. He was coming out from a meeting hall by the Grand Palace with numerous other party leaders. I happened to be visiting in the vicinity with other visitors. When I saw Debretsion, I broke from the group and walked a good many meter to meet and greet him.

I approached Debretsion because I wanted him to know that I harbor no ill feelings towards him as a person, but I resolutely oppose what the TPLF organization has done all these years. I had to prove to myself that I could disagree with someone on policy and ideas without harboring ill feelings towards that person. Unfortunately, we did not get a chance to talk much.

I don’t take things personal. When I robustly defended the late Meles Zenawi’s right to speak at Columbia University in 2010, despite scathing criticism, it was about the principle of free speech. If I dd not defend Meles Zenawi’s right to speak freely and present his ideas in a civilized forum, then I truly do not believe in free speech.

That does not mean I do not have the greatest contempt and antipathy for TPLF leaders who preach gloom and doom to the people of Tigray.

Meles Zenawi warned in 2005 that after his TPLF goes, there will be the equivalent of an “Interahamwe-type Hutu militia which massacred Tutsis in Rwanda”. Zenawi  repeated that message time and again.

Zenawi’s sidekick and step-and-fetch it, Bereket Simon, went one step further when he predicted in June 2005, “Strife between different nationalities of Ethiopia might have made the Rwandan genocide look like child’s play.”

T-TPLF godfather Sebhat Nega predicted the people will rise and wipe out their oppressor when they become “bitter”.  The older boozer was manifestly unaware that he was making a final pronouncement on his TPLF.

TPLF underboss Abay Tsehai predicted Ethiopia will be Africa’s 21^st century Rwanda. He said things in Ethiopia are getting out of control and Ethiopia is careening into becoming the next Rwanda.

Another T-TPLF underboss, Seyoum Mesfin, proclaimed there will a civil war after the TPLF is deposited in the trash heap of history but confidently declared his TPLF will crush all opposition and remain dominant.

In February 2018, when Seyoum Mesfin put out a call to arms to the people of Tigray to fight their brothers and sisters in the rest of Ethiopia, I called him out. He said, “Comrades, the glaring danger we are facing (today) is extremely, extremely alarming. Unless we are able to run and run fast and defend (against the danger) before sundown, our survival is doubtful.”

In September 2016, I crossed pens with Abay Tsehaye who was predicting Ethiopia will be like Rwanda soon. Tsehaye droned:

Similar things that happened in Rwanda are happening in Ethiopia. Two people called Tutsis and Hutus, one (group) was in power, the other was out of power. One group had tried to get advantage during colonial rule and using mass media, armed forces, with (political) parties coordinated a campaign. They separated (the Tutsis) by looking at their (facial) features, by their tradition. They mobilized Hutus to destroy Tutsis. That’s how so many millions were (killed) and so many driven into exile.

Then there is Getachew Reda who reminds of the Shakespearean character Falstaff, that drunken, boastful and buffoonish rapscallion windbag whose tongue does not wag until an alcoholic beverage courses in his blood stream. Reda thinks he is witty, but he is a nitwit. In 2016, I called him “Motormouth”.

The people of Tigray are at the crossroads. There those within the TPLF organization and in the broader Tigrean community who want to live in peace and equality with the rest of their Ethiopian brothers and sisters. We must embrace them. We must defend them. We must not hold grudges against them. If we don’t we will become the very thing we condemn: The TPLF.

It is the moral duty of all freedom loving Ethiopians to do their part and make sure the people of Tigray are an equal and inseparable part of the broader Ethiopian community.

All Ethiopians have a moral duty to help their brothers and sisters in Tigray free themselves from the TPLF yoke. We must help all progressive forces seeking to bring freedom, democracy and human rights to the people of Tigray.

I pledge to do all I can to uplift and free the people of Tigray from TPLF bondage.

My message to the people of Tigray is this:

You shall be free of the TPLF as the rest of your brothers and sister have over the past two years. Do not despair. Remember the darkest hour is just before the dawn. I will tell you today what I told all Ethiopians so many years ago in the words of Gandhi ‘When I despair, I remember that all through history, the way of truth and love has always won. There have been tyrants and murderers, and for a time they seem invincible, but in the end, they always fall. Think of it, always.’

BELIEVE THE PEOPLE OF TIGRAY SHALL RISE AND THE TPLF WILL SOON FALL!

To be continued…

The post The Glorious Rise of the People of Tigray and Inglorious Fall of the TPLF in Ethiopia! appeared first on Satenaw Ethiopian News/Breaking News.

Hiber Radio Daily Ethiopian News Aug 4, 2020

The post Hiber Radio Daily Ethiopian News Aug 4, 2020 appeared first on Satenaw Ethiopian News/Breaking News.

Seleshi Tessema Mulata

Art café and gallery provides relief to people stressed due to coronavirus and other worries.

On a cold blustery summer morning, heightened fears of the COVID-19 pandemic blended with a glimmer of hope shroud the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa.

The wailing sirens of the speedy emergency ambulances that transport COVID-19 patients from different corners of the city to treatment and quarantine centers throughout the rainy day cause uneasiness across the city.

Worries about job security, peace, and unity in the Horn of African nation also play out in the daily conversations of many people in the capital.

Oasis from worries

To fight fears, some people of the bustling metropolis with an estimated 5 million people, which has not seen a COVID-19 total lockdown, have begun flocking to Alem Art café and gallery. Despite the hustle and bustle, the small room filled with books and eye-catching paintings was strangely quiet. Some were engrossed in sketching landscapes and portraits while others were reading books and sipping their morning coffee.

Alem Getachew, a soft-spoken, wheelchair-bound female painter and also the gallery’s founder and owner, told Anadolu Agency that the gallery was transformed to provide creative stress relief service.

“As all members of our society are experiencing fears of coronavirus, I decided to help people release their stress and anxieties in productive ways,” Getachew said.

The gallery has become a space where people read books, share stories, and discuss ways to cope with the pandemic and create a support network, she explained.

“We also help them develop their painting skills and realize their potential,” Getachew said. “Over the last couple of months, young people from different corners of the city have been spending time with us.”

The aroma of the boiling coffee, the sweet incense that often accompanies the Ethiopian coffee ceremony, and the low, melodious music all helped make the people in the room feel at home.

Alemnehe Kebede, an aircraft technician who frequents the art café, said he often feels comfortable and relaxed while discussing issues with friends.

Coping with fears

“Many young people who frequently come here exchange information and skills to cope with COVID-19 and other worries,” Kebede said, adding that the art cafe had been organizing poetry readings and inspirational speeches by invited guests.

Ayalewu Girma, another visitor, said, “I’m in the service industry and fear losing my job. Many of us are also worried by ethnic divisions in the country.”

“When we’re at the gallery, we breathe a sigh of relief at least for the time being,” he remarked.

Epicenter of pandemic

As the morning rain subsided, the noisy Gergi, a commercial and residential area of the capital where the gallery is located, saw people with face masks filling the street with little or no social distancing.

Health officials warned the spate of new cases of COVID-19 that has dramatically spiked since June was the beginning of the peak of the pandemic that would stretch throughout August.

Liya Tadesse, Ethiopia’s health minister, last week warned that reckless disregard for preventive measures could bring about a worst-case scenario during the peak.

To date, according to the Health Ministry, the current caseload stands at 20,356 with 365 deaths, while more than 9,000 people have recovered. The majority of cases were reported in the capital.

Bereavement rituals

Milka Ibrahim, a psychologist who provides COVID-19 stress management counseling, told Anadolu Agency that fear, worry, and stress are normal responses to pandemics and situations that threaten our individual and collective well-being.

According to her, one of the most permanent anxieties was linked to the deeply entrenched Ethiopian concept of death and funeral rituals.

“Ethiopians feel relieved when their loved ones are seen off with an elaborate funeral procession and an extended ritual of bereavement,” Ibrahim noted, adding that unattended and untimely deaths are seen as traumatic.

Despite minor cultural differences, Ethiopian society pays respect to the deceased with excessive grief expressed in crying, wailing loudly, beating chests, and falling to the ground as if to harm oneself.

Hundreds of people will attend a well-organized burial procession. The grieving will normally last at least three days, and close family members will continue to gather for weeks.

“People feel the coronavirus pandemic has denied them the respected rituals of grieving,” Ibrahim remarked. “This is one of the permanent fears of the pandemic.”

According to Ibrahim, persistent fear could “impair decision-making abilities and finding solutions to worries.”

Glimmer of hope

The dark and cold Ethiopian rainy season is also blessed with intermittent sunrises that symbolize hope.

Early in July, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who heads a coronavirus ministerial task force and presided over the launch of a campaign that aims to test 200,000 people, said the growing capacities in all aspects of prevention efforts will help contain the pandemic.

Liya also noted at the launch ceremony: “The nation managed to prevent 85% of possible cases and 95% deaths in comparison to the 1.5 million people originally expected to contract the virus by mid-July.”

Echoing a view shared by many in a profoundly religious country, Kebede said: “God willing, everything will be fine.”

By Alemayehu G. Mariam

To paraphrase Dr. Martin L. King, Jr., “In the end, the people of Tigray will not remember the words and dastardly deeds of their TPLF oppressors but the silence and indifference of their Ethiopian brothers and sisters!” – Alemayehu G. Mariam

Ethiopia saved by the Cheetah Generation

For nearly a decade, I have been writing and speaking about the (Abo Shemane) Cheetah (younger) Generation saving Ethiopia.

I have also exhorted my fellow Hippos (older generation) to get out of the way and to make way for the younger generation to do the heavy lifting in building the New Ethiopia. I first laid out my arguments in this regard in 2010 by focusing on Ethiopian intellectuals and broadened it in 2013.

In June 2010, I reflected over what could happen if timely action is not taken to defuse the bottled up rage of Ethiopia’s youth under the oppressive rule of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF):

The wretched conditions of Ethiopia’s youth point to the fact that they are a ticking demographic time bomb. The evidence of youth frustration, discontent, disillusionment and discouragement by the protracted economic crisis, lack of economic opportunities and political repression is manifest, overwhelming and irrefutable. The yearning of youth for freedom and change is self-evident. The only question is whether the country’s youth will seek change through increased militancy or by other peaceful means….

In 2012, I exhorted Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation to lead the way to national reconciliation and save Ethiopia. I concluded with metaphoric flair, “A group of cheetahs is called a “coalition”. Only a coalition of cheetahs organized across ethnic, religious, linguistic and regional lines can crash a crash of hippos and a cackle of hyenas and save Ethiopia.”

In January 2013, in my New Year’s Message, I declared, “2013 shall be the Year of Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation.”  I affirmed it is the “Cheetah Generation  that can deliver Ethiopia from the venomous fangs of a benighted dictatorship and sweep away a decaying and decomposing garrison state built on a foundation of lies and corruption into the dustbin of history.”

In 2016, I sent a “message in a bottle” to Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation and challenged them to become “Ethiopian Imagineers’” and build the New Ethiopia by tearing down the kilil walls of ethnicity and building bridges of humanity and equal opportunity.

In April 2018, “Ethiopian Spring”, the TPLF was washed away in a tidal wave of youth uprisings in Ethiopia just like I predicted in 2009: “The TPLF has been riding the Ethiopian tiger for nearly two decades. But one day they know they must dismount. When they do, they will be looking at the sparkling eyes, gleaming teeth and pointy nails of one big hungry tiger!”

Today, the TPLF is looking straight into the eyes of angry and hungry Fenqil Cheetahs in Tigray Region.

The TPLF can run but it cannot hide in Tigray because Fenqil Cheetahs are in hot pursuit!

Fenqil Cheetahs want the same thing all other Ethiopian youth want

In February 2011, during the height of the “Arab Spring”, I argued:

Ethiopia’s youth seek the same things as their Tunisian and Egyptian counterparts: a livelihood, adequate food, decent housing and education and basic health care. They want free access to information – radio, newspaper, magazines, satellite and internet. Above all, they want to live in a society that upholds the rule of law, protects human rights and respects the votes of the people. They do not want corruption, nepotism, cronyism, criminality and inhumanity. That is not too much to ask.

Today, in “Tigray Spring”, that is exactly what the young people of the Fenqil Movement are demanding for the people of Tigray.

The TPLF dinosaurs are looking straight into the sparkling eyes, gleaming teeth and pointy nails of millions of Fenqil Cheetahs in Tigray Region 

After the TPLF was chased out of power in 2018, without a single shot fired, its leaders scurried to Tigray to hide like rats abandoning a sinking ship.

The TPLF rats can run but cannot hide from the swift chase of the Fenqil Cheetahs.

Today, the aging, decrepit, doddering and semi-comatose leaders of the TPLF are holed up at Axum Hotel in Mekele scheming all sorts of conspiracies and planning heinous acts of terrorism.

The Fenqil Movement burst on the political stage very recently though it had been organizing underground, including in TPLF prisons, for some time.

Today, Fenqil is the tip of the spear of mass uprisings against the TPLF in Tigray Region just like the Querroo, Fanno and Zerma youth movements were two years ago in the rest of Ethiopia.

The name “Fenqil” was adopted from the nom de guerre (battle name) of Hadush “Hayalom” (“Overpowering”) Araya, an intrepid guerilla leader of the TPLF who was assassinated by TPLF leaders after they seized power. The word also means “to overthrow” or “uproot”. Simply stated, Fenqil Youth Movement aims to remove the TPLF root and branch by hook or crook.

Fenqil Youth Movement is patterned after other youth movement such as Queeroo, Fano and Zerma, which spearheaded the mass resistance to overthrow of TPLF ethnic apartheid rule throughout Ethiopia in 2018.

Fenqil is driven by objective “grievances including lack of good governance, land grab and inadequate efforts to lesson unemployment problems among the youth” in Tigray region.

Over the past several months, Fenqil leaders have been vocal in communicating a broader scope of grievances including systemic corruption, nepotism, favoritism, cronyism, abuses of power and gross violations of human rights by the TPLF in Tigray.

Fenqil leaders have publicly stated their positions and presented compelling arguments why they have resolved to remove the TPLF from power by any means necessary:

Fenqil is totally and irrevocably committed to Ethiopian unity, equality, Ethiopiawinet and democratic rule.

The TPLF is the mortal enemy of the people of Tigray, the people of Ethiopia, freedom, democracy and human rights.

The TPLF is an anti-Ethiopan, anti-Tigrean, anti-democratic criminal organization and its leaders must be brought to the bar of justice speedily.

The Tigrean people need and demand democracy, freedom and human rights NOW!

The TPLF and the people of Tigray are separate entities.

The TPLF is a Mafia-style organization led by a few families from the Adwa area of Tigray region.

The TPLF is an organization of criminals, gangsters, thieves, con men and women, hoodlums and thugs.

The TPLF is so corrupt it has even stolen foreign humanitarian aid to line their pockets while the people of Tigray starved.

TPLF cadres, supporters and bottom feeders control every element of the regional government including a spying network of informers and snitches organized in families, hamlets and neighborhoods.

The TPLF professes allegiance to federalism but Tigray is run by the “Dynastic Kingdom of Sebhat Nega.” The people of Enderta, Raya, Tembien, Shire, Agame, Wajirat and many others are vassals fiefdoms of the Adwa Mafia.

The TPLF runs Tigray region as an open-air prison controlled by a ruthless security and police apparatus.

Under the TPLF, there are more prisons, jails and detention facilities than development projects.

As TPLF leaders and their cronies drink expensive imported whiskey and cognac, the people of Tigray drink disease-ridden water.

As TPLF leaders and their cronies eat sumptuous meals, the people of Tigray live on 10 kilograms of grain provided by foreign aid safety net programs.

The overwhelming majority of Tigrean youth detest the TPLF because they are systematically discriminated and denied opportunities.

The TPLF has been hoodwinking and bamboozling the people of Tigray with propaganda about “Amhara invasion”, “impending genocide on Tigrean people by other Ethiopians” and maintaining itself in power by practicing divide and rule.

The TPLF prosecutes and persecutes its opponents and dissidents for peaceful exercise of their constitutional rights and widely practices torture and other abuses on political prisoners.

There is no rule of law in Tigray, only the rule of TPLF Mafiosi. The police, prosecutors and judges are cadres and minions of the TPLF.

The TPLF has brought shame, humiliation and enmity to the people of Tigray and degraded the glorious history of the Tigray people.

The people of Tigray are poor because the TPLF has been ripping them off for decades.

Th TPLF is the common enemy of ALL Ethiopian people.

The single mission of Fenqil is removal of the TPLF from power and bringing their leaders to the bar of justice.

The TPLF must be removed even if that means sacrifices must be paid.

Fenqil is not interested in power for itself or to replace the TPLF. Fenqil is committed to democratic self-governance of the people of Tigray without any preconditions.

Fenqil will make Tigray ungovernable for the TPLF thugs by employing civil disobedience, civil resistance and by any means necessary.

Why do I support Fenqil Youth Movement in Tigray?

I support Fenqil Movement because I agree with their critical analysis of the TPLF’s criminal history, their demands to bring those criminals to justice and their aspirations of freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law for the people of Tigray.

Fenqil is doing on the ground what I have been writing about for last decade and half.

I support Fenqil movement in Tigray because I support all Ethiopian youth who aspire to enjoy basic human rights, demand good governance and aim to build an Ethiopian society where a person will not be judged by their ethnicity but by the content of their character.

I support the Fenqil uprising against the TPLF in exactly the same way I supported the Qeeroo, Fanno, Zerma uprisings to bring down the TPLF.

I support Fenqil because I believe only the younger generation of Tigreans can save Tigray.

I support Fenqil because I resolutely oppose the TPEF, the Tigrean People’sEnslavement Front.

As I have previously written on numerous occasions, I reject the myth that the fate and destiny of the TPLF is in fact the fate and destiny of the people of Tigray.

The fact of the matter is that the TPLF represents no one but its members, supporters and cronies from all ethnic groups and religions who feed at its trough of corruption.

I have always defended the ordinary people of Tigray in whose name the TPLF has committed unspeakable crimes.

I have no doubts whatsoever that Fenqil shares my belief the word “liberation” in TPLF is the greatest insult heaped on the people of Tigray.

The “TP” in TPLF stands for “Totally Paranoid” and the “LF” for “Lie Factory”.

The TPLF has been lying to, cheating, jailing and killing the people of Tigray for decades.

The TPLF should be described for what it really is: “Tigrean People’s Liberation Enslavement Front” (TPEF).

I resolutely oppose the TPLF because it is a terrorist organization listed on the Global Terrorism Database.  It is responsible for documented acts of terrorism and untold atrocities.

The last recorded act of terrorism by the TPLF was committed on August 26, 2016, although the yet-to-be documented acts of terrorism span decades.

The TPLF has committed untold crimes against humanity in the bush in Tigray and the rest of Ethiopia for over a quarter of a century while it held the mantle of power.

There is no doubt the TPLF is a racketeering mafia-type organization involved in massive corruption schemes including money laundering, extortion, infiltration of legitimate businesses, tax fraud, etc., and using a front organization called REST (Relief Society of Tigray) stolen billions of dollars in aid and multilateral loans for over a quarter of a century.

What does Fenqil want NOW?

In an interview, Fenqil Movement leader Yemane Negus passionately argued what Fenqil needs NOW is the “support of all the people of Ethiopia. We welcome help from all Ethiopians to free the people of Tigray from the yoke of TPLF oppression.”

Is that too much to ask?

I certainly don’t think so.

This the time for all good, patriotic Ethiopian men and women to come to the aid of the people of Tigray and Fenqil and free them from the cancer of the TPLF.

I want ALL Ethiopians to remember one and only one thing. When all is said and done, to paraphrase Dr. Martin L. King, Jr., “The people of Tigray will not remember the words and dastardly deeds of their TPLF oppressors but the silence and indifference of their Ethiopian brothers and sisters!”

I stand with the people of Tigray and Fenqil Youth Movement in their struggle to defeat the TPLF cancer and Covid-19 virus!

I challenge all diaspora Ethiopians to stand up on the right side of history and be counted with the People of Tigray and Fenqil Youth Movement.

My message to Fenqil Youth Movement: Fenqil Movement will eventually rid the TPLF dinosaurs from Tigray!

It is said, “One cannot teach an old dog new tricks.”

But does that adage hold true for dinosaurs?

I am fully confident that Fenqil Cheetahs in Tigray region and throughout Ethiopia are ready, willing and able to teach the TPLF dinosaurs a lesson in permanent extinction.

Fenqil Youth Movement should learn an eternal truth articulated by Mahatma Gandhi.  “Strength does not come from physical capacity. It comes from an indomitable will.”

The TPLF will parade its mercenaries in the streets of Mekele and deploy them in hamlets, villages and towns to terrorize the people of Tigray. The TPLF declared “states of emergency” to keep itself in power before it was kicked out of power in Addis Ababa. In the end, Ethiopian Cheetahs gave the TPLF a swift kick in the rear end in 2018!

That is exactly what the TPLF needs in Tigray today. After the Fenqil Cheetahs finish their chase, the TPLF will get a kick in the rear end that will land it squarely in the trash bin of history.

Fenqil Youth Movement will emerge victorious. No doubt about it. It is just a matter of time.

I say to Fenqil leaders and members in the darkest hour of the people of Tigray what Winston Churchill said to Britons in their darkest hour facing the overwhelming might of the Nazi war machine: “Never give in–never, never, never, never, in nothing great or small, large or petty, never give in except to convictions of honour and good sense. Never yield to force; never yield to the apparently overwhelming might of the enemy.”

Never, never, never give in to the TPLF war machine!

To be continued…

Oromia branch of ruling party suspends 3 senior committee members after unrests caused by death of renowned Oromo singer

Between July 2 and July 18, 2020, security personnel in Ethiopia detained Kenyan freelance journalist Collins Juma Osemo, who goes by the name Yassin Juma, and four employees of the satellite outlet the Oromia Media Network: news director Melese Direbssa; journalist and TV show host Guyo Wariyo; news anchor Mohammed Siraj; and a driver with the station, Chibsa Abdulkerim, according to Tuli Bayyisa and Kedir Bullo, two lawyers who are part of their defense team, who spoke to CPJ via telephone and messaging app.

The four journalists and media worker appeared at the Federal First Instance court,Arada branch, in Addis Ababa, the capital, several times through August 12, 2020, but authorities had not formally charged them; authorities said they are investigating them on allegations that include incitement to violence and operation of illegal communication equipment, according to Tuli and Kedir, as well as two statements emailed to CPJ by Yibekal Gizaw, the head of the National Human Rights Action Plan Office, a department within Ethiopia’s office of the Federal Attorney General. On August 5, the Federal First Instance court ordered Juma, Melesse, and Chibsa released on bail but as of August 12, they had yet to be released, according to Tuli.

Article 59 of the Ethiopian Criminal Procedure Code, which CPJ reviewed, gives the courts the discretion to remand arrested persons for up to 14 days, but this can be renewed an indefinite number of times at a judge’s discretion.

The four journalists and a media worker are among at least 4,700 people arrested in Ethiopia following the June 29 killing Hachalu Hundessa, a popular artist known for his political music, which sparked violence that led to the deaths of at least 181 people, according to media reports. Officials shut down the internet and launched investigations into several media outlets, including the Oromia Media Network, on allegations of inciting violence, as CPJ documented at the time and according to media reports and the statement from the office of the attorney general. In one of its statements to CPJ, the office of the attorney general said that journalists from the Oromia Media Network are under investigation for their role in “broadcasts involving repeated calls for ethnically targeted attacks” which led to “the widespread damage of property, looting and killing of ethnic minorities.”

In his statement Yibekal referred CPJ to a Twitter thread containing three videos in which people speaking at what seem to be public forums make comments that include calling for homes to be burnt and for people to be exterminated. One video carries an OMN logo; one video does not have an OMN logo nor any other identifying marker, and in the third, there is no logo but a woman speaks at a public forum into an OMN-branded microphone. CPJ did not find these videos on any platform associated with the network. The Network did not respond to CPJ’s email requesting comment on these videos.

On July 18 security personnel in Addis Ababa detained OMN anchor Mohammed Siraj at his in-laws’ house, according to his wife Sada Haji and Kedir, who both spoke to CPJ via messaging application. Mohammed appeared in court on July 20 and police said they were investigating him on allegations of incitement to violence; outrage against a dead body; killing of a police officer; and attempt to kill a ruling party official, according to Kedir and Tokumma Daba, another lawyer in the defense team. He was due back in court on August 14, according to Kedir.

Security personnel arrested OMN reporter and TV host Guyo Wariyo on July 17 from an Addis Ababa residence where he was staying with his family and said on July 18 in court that they were investigating him for broadcasting false news and inciting ethnic and religious violence, according to Tuli and two relatives who spoke to CPJ via messaging application but requested anonymity for fear of reprisal. Guyo had interviewed Hachalu a week before his killing and authorities had linked Hachalu’s killing to the Oromia Media Network interview, alleging that the program’s format was deliberately changed and claimed that the interview was edited to remove sections in which the musician spoke about threats he was facing, according to media reports.

In its July 31 statement to CPJ, the office of the attorney general said prosecutors were reviewing Guyo’s case to determine whether to charge him. Guyo was also due back in court on August 14, according to Kedir, as police have been given more time to investigate him.

Mohammed and Guyo are being held at a primary school in Addis Ababa, around a neighborhood commonly known as Enkulal Fabrica, that has been converted to a detention center, according to the Tuli, Kedir, and the relatives who spoke to CPJ.

Kenyan journalist Juma, who also edits news website Horn24News, was arrested on July 2 in Addis Ababa at the home of Jawar Mohammed, an Ethiopian opposition politician and former head of the Oromia Media Network who had been arrested on June 30, according to Tuli and an Oromia Media Network employee who asked not to be named for fear of reprisal. Juma’s Nairobi-based wife, Asha Mohamed, told CPJ that the journalist had moved to Ethiopia last year to work on documentaries. The office of the attorney general told CPJ that Juma was arrested by police who were executing a search warrant at Jawar’s house and claimed that he did not identify himself as a journalist.

OMN News Director Melese and Chibsa, the driver, were arrested separately on July 2 after they tried to go to the Oromia Media Network offices that had been shut down by authorities on June 30, according to Tuli and the Network employee who spoke to CPJ on condition of anonymity.

Tuli told CPJ that Juma, Melese, and Chibsa are co-accused in one case and police have claimed in court that they are investigating them on the same allegations as Mohamed Siraj. These are also the allegations leveled against Jawar, according to a statement by the rights organization Amnesty International.

However, the attorney general’s office told CPJ that the allegations on outrage against a dead body and murder allegations only apply to Melese whom they claim was arrested at the scene of a June 30 incident in which Jawar and others are accused of having attempted to forcefully turn back the body of Hachalu, which was being transported to its burial place.

The attorney general’s office also told CPJ that Juma and Chibsa are under investigation on allegations of having operated illegal communication equipment found in Jawar’s home, a satellite which the government says is authorized for use only by diplomatic missions. According to the defense team, authorities have not raised these allegations in court proceedings.

After visiting Juma on August 3, Tuli told CPJ that the journalist had recently, and for the first time, been interrogated on allegations of intercepting government information. The journalist told his lawyer that he had trouble communicating with police, because he does not speak Amharic.

Tuli also told CPJ that as of August 3, Juma was ill and had reported suffering from a fever for at least five days. Tuli told CPJ at the time that Juma had not received any medical tests but had been given medicine by a clinic at the Addis Ababa Police Commission, commonly known as Sostegna, where he is detained alongside Chibsa and Melese.

In ordering the release of Juma, Chibsa, and Melesse from Federal Police custody, the Arada branch of the Federal First Instance court said authorities had not provided evidence linking the co-accused to the allegations for which they are being investigated. Authorities appealed the order but the Lideta branch of the Federal High Court quashed their application on August 7. However, as of August 12 the three had yet to be released and Kedir told CPJ that they had been transferred to the custody of Addis Ababa Police, who brought them to court on August 11 and claimed to be investigating them for the same allegations as the federal police. They were due back in court on August 13.

By Girma Berhanu (Professor)

• Introduction

Eskinder Nega is a well-known journalist, political activist and most-discussed political prisoner recognized globally for a quarter of a century. He is the founder and leader of the opposition party, Balderas for True Democracy. He was described by the international media as a leading advocate for press freedom and freedom of expression in Ethiopia. He has been in and out of prison over a period of 20 years under two regimes, including TPLF/EPRDF and ODP/ EPRDF [Prosperity party]. He has been jailed over 10 times by the Ethiopian government on convictions for treason, “outrages against the constitution”, and “incitement to armed conspiracy”, among others. In the past two years, he was arrested and harassed a number of times by Addis Ababa police and security forces for unspecified reasons. At times, he and his codefendants were accused of displaying a prohibited national flag and gathering in violation of an official state of emergency. The accusations are too numerous to mention all here. Amnesty International once designated him a prisoner of conscience, “detained solely for exercising his right to freedom of expression”.  Currently he is back to prison again.

He was the editor of the newspapers Etopis, Satenaw, Asqual and Menelik. He received several international awards for his passionate writings, dedication and bravery in the face of tyranny and continuous harassment[1]. He was dubbed a fearless journalist and campaigner for democracy!

In this reflective report, I am not going to write about his family background, education, or the terrible pain he and his family has gone through. This history is available elsewhere. I am more interested in why he is troubled by the political elites. Why is he perceived as a threat and ‘troublemaker’ by the establishment? What are the political elites scared of? When Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed – the Nobel Peace Prize winner – used strong and threatening language for the first time, he did it against the soft-spoken Eskinder. What is it about Eskinder that gets under the skin of these autocratic leaders so that they continue to harass him? The truth? What is the cost of telling the truth? Losing friends. Losing allies. Losing freedom. Losing colleagues. Losing family lives, losing influence. Losing, losing, losing. How should we pursue the truth in a world that has no tolerance for facts that contradict our preferred narratives?[2]

“When I despair, I remember that all through history the way of truth and love have always won. There have been tyrants and murderers, and for a time, they can seem invincible, but in the end, they always fall. Think of it–always.” ― Mahatma Gandhi

I have spoken to tens of people on the subject of Eskinder Nega. I’ve read most of his articles. I’ve followed the news about him. I’ve analyzed some of his public speech using discourse analysis methods. There are diverse views about him, as may be expected. Some of the comments on social media describe him on a spectrum from lionizing him as the Ghandi of Ethiopia to denouncing him as an extremist adventure seeker. In order to help me capture the truth, I used the reflective writing method. Reflective writing is used in an academic setting to examine responses to a new experience or piece of writing. Reflective writing can also be analytical when applied to critical thinking or processing used in research. Reflection is “a turning back onto a self” where the inquirer is at once both observed and an active observer (Steier, 1995, p. 163[3]´[4]), in this case the phenomenon, Eskinder. Socrates (Plato, Apology of Socrates, 38a) affirms that a life devoid of reflective thinking is not a full human life, and on this basis, he conceives education as a process aimed at cultivating the habit of reflection in order to be capable of an in-depth interrogation into the webs of thoughts wherein life is immersed.

I have adopted analytical tools from two disparate fields to be able to analyze the ideals and characteristics of Eskinder Nega. The first is psychological, termed Psychological dynamics of outrage against injustice[5]; the second is The Servant Leadership Behaviour Scale Model (SLBS)[6]. The SLBS consists of six dimensions, namely voluntary subordination, authentic self, covenantal relationship, responsible morality, transcendental spirituality, and transforming influence. This SLBS model relates very well with existing empirical models of servant leadership[7]. After reading Herman Hesse’s (1956) short novel, Journey to the East, Robert K. Greenleaf coined the term servant-leadership and concluded that the central meaning of Hesse’s novel was that a great leader must first of all become a servant and experience servitude, and that this is central to his or her greatness (Spears, 1996)[8].  Mahatma Gandhi’s ideals and characteristics as featured in extensive literature depict clearly that he practiced servant leadership throughout his life; and I observe some parallel in Eskinder’s leadership and moral reasoning.

(2)Psychological dynamics of outrage against injustice

People can become outraged by what they perceive as injustice – such as torture or aggressive war – and sometimes this stimulates social action. Perpetrators of such actions regularly use a variety of methods, including cover-up and reinterpretation, to minimize outrage. The struggle between powerful perpetrators and challengers over reactions to occurrences potentially perceived as unfair can be called the dynamics of outrage. Because perceived injustice predictably leads to outrage, those who are deemed responsible have much to gain by preventing this reaction. Perpetrators with great power – governments, large corporations, militaries – have the greatest capacity to minimize outrage. According to my own observation and the numerous conversations I’ve had with key informants, Eskinder finds himself in this kind of struggle. Some psychological theories can help in understanding the political struggles that occur over the production and inhibition of outrage. Examining a wide range of cases, it can be observed that powerful perpetrators – in this case the police and the security force in Ethiopia – regularly use five types of methods that inhibit outrage and thus reduce the risk of backfire[9]: cover-up of the action; devaluation of the target; reinterpretation of the action, including by lying, framing and blaming; use of official channels to give an appearance of justice; and intimidation and bribery of targets, witnesses and others.

Eskinder has more or less encountered some of these methods by tyrants to inhibit outrage in his struggle for justice. He is currently in prison and the perpetrators lie about his action or inaction. They give the impression that they detain him for the safety of the public. They framed him and blamed him for inciting violence. He is and has been intimidated consistently throughout two regimes by the use of political language. ‘Political language is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind’ (George Orwell). This has been the standard discourse for several decades in Ethiopia.

Eskinder has protested peacefully and organized peaceful public speech. However, he was stopped or harassed countless times by the police or undercover agents. This harassment is solely aimed at frustrating him and his dedicated colleagues and followers and curtailing their right to freedom of expression. “When governments try to suppress peaceful protest movements with force, they appear to trigger a backlash against themselves. This might be called the ‘Gandhi trap’[10]. This is what is happening now in Addis Ababa with regard to his and his colleagues’ imprisonment. The police accuse Eskinder and Sintayehu Chekol[11] of ‘coordinating violence in Addis Abeba in the aftermath of the assassination of prominent Oromo artist Hacaaluu Hundeessaa’. Most people find it ridiculous to try to compare the deeds and character of Jawar Muhammed with Eskinder, the former a violent activist engaged in inciting ethnic hostility, the latter a peaceful activist, a global symbol of resistance to ethnic inequality and injustice and a champion of human rights and voice for the voiceless regardless of ethnicity or religion[12]. Both are in prison now for different reasons, and this very injustice is likely to trigger a backlash against the government.

As Reis and Martin (2008) succinctly pointed out, a small number of people may become involved in opposing social problems purely as a result of abstract, rational contemplation, but for most people, emotion is crucial.[13] A key trigger is people’s reactions to what they perceive as injustice or unfairness, which can be described in terms such as outrage, revulsion, disgust, distress, or, more mildly, concern. All these emotional reactions can be observed in Eskinder’s behavior. Whatever the term, an emotional response to injustice frequently underpins and drives participation in social action. Activism often results in greater awareness of and exposure to injustice, thereby fostering continued involvement, as we observe in Eskinder’s passionate engagement in questions of justice and freedom. Outrage, a response to perceived injustice, can be a powerful force for change, which is why powerful groups routinely take steps to minimize or contain it. Understanding the psychological dynamics of outrage can assist activists in being more effective in countering these steps.

(3)                The Servant Leadership Behaviour Scale Model (SLBS)

Having experienced racism in South Africa and India Gandhi applied the principles and the strategy of Ahimsa (non-violence) and Satyagraha (holding on to truth) (Heath, 1944)[14]. He was imprisoned by the British multiple times when he practiced these strategies. ‘These servant leadership principles, applied in practice, forced the British to declare independence. At the stroke of midnight, on August 14, 1947, India became an independent nation’[15]. Gandhi was called Mahatma (Great Soul) Gandhi because of his great ideals and contribution to the development of India as a nation. I observe elements of that strength, humility, authentic self and integrity in Eskinder[16]. Unfortunately, the authorities have succeeded in hindering him from fully applying these qualities to the development of the country. People I have conversed with firmly stated that Eskinder is a free-thinker and relentless fighter for freedom of expression and a voice for the voiceless.

The servant-leader is servant first. It begins with the natural feeling that one wants to serve. Then conscious choice brings one to aspire to lead. The best test is: do those served grow as persons; do they, while being served, become healthier, wiser, freer, more autonomous, more likely themselves to become servants? And, what is the effect on the least privileged in society; will they benefit, or, at least, not be further deprived? (Greenleaf, 1977/2002, p. 27).[17]

I’ve asked tens of people about their knowledge of Eskinder as political movement leader on areas of decision-making skills: foresight; commitment to others; emotional intelligence; a sense of community; and self-awareness. All answered in positive terms with different levels of emphasis on all the above-mentioned qualities or characteristics of a servant leadership. He was most known for his commitment to others, in particular to the most disadvantaged because of a corrupt system. His emotional intelligence and a sense of community are also his most admired skills. “Never be afraid to raise your voice for honesty and truth and compassion against injustice and lying and greed. If people all over the world…would do this, it would change the earth.” ― William Faulkner

Humility, freedom from pride or arrogance, is the ability to make a right estimation of one’s self (Sendjaya, 2005[18]). Gandhi did not seek after influential posts. He is the embodiment of humility and integrity. Qadir (1939) writes, “One of the strong points of Gandhi’s character is his supreme indifference to what people say about any course of conduct which he has decided for himself, for good reasons that satisfy his conscience” (p. 239)[19]. In this respect, Eskinder can be depicted as the Mahatma (Great soul) Gandhi of Ethiopia.

Why is he now imprisoned? What is it really that bothers the authorities so deeply that they choose to keep him behind bars? They can come up with trumped up charges but what is the true reason to perceive him as “dangerous”?  When the Prime Minister of Ethiopia talked about Eskinder in a televised speech, he sounded irritated with Eskinder as if he was “a thorn in his flesh.” Why? The truth is that Eskinder’s main movement is to keep “Addis Ababa[20] for Addis Ababans”, whereas the Oromo political elites – including the majority in the different Oromo political parties – want to control Addis Ababa. For the residents of Addis Ababa, this is insane[21]! This is why Eskinder has become the subject of such intense hatred. This is responsible morality from Eskinder’s side despite the danger for his life.  As servant leaders always appeal to higher ideals, moral values, and the higher-order needs of followers, they make sure that both the ends they seek and the means they employ are morally legitimized, thoughtfully reasoned, and ethically justified (Sendjaya, 2005). Eskinder’s way of fighting with the oppressive state machinery is the insistence on truth. He is in agreement with the following historical fact about Addis Ababa, as are the overwhelming majority of Ethiopians, which upsets the ethno-nationalist Oromo political elites.

‘Facts do not cease to exist because they are ignored.’
― Aldous Huxley, Complete Essays 2, 1926-29:

Historically, the whole Shewa area was the seat of famous Abyssinian kings like Emperor Amdetsion, Emperor Dawit, King Zereayakob, and others. Going back 300 years, the whole Shoa and Arisi area was home to Amhara kingdoms and Muslim sultanates which were part Abysinia. Old rock-hewn churches like Adadi Mariam in South Shewa and other old churches in Gurage areas dating back over 500 years are evidence of the presence of Christianity prior to Oromo expansion[22].

“The Oromo Liberation Front wants to reiterate that Finfinne[23] belongs to Oromia. It is not only geographically located in the heart of Oromia, but Finfinne is also historically the center of Oromo culture and identity. Thus, OLF believes that Oromo people should have the rights of full ownership over the Finfinne and thus should play a full administrative role. OLF also want to make clear that the fate of Oromia is not different from that of Finfinne…..”[24]

Ethiopia, and in particular Addis Ababa, is a cosmopolitan society where many ethnically/’racially’ and religiously diverse people have lived peacefully for many years. Along the course of history, many cities like Harar and Addis Ababa have been a melting pot and today’s Ethiopians resemble their ancestors in their immense tolerance of ethnical differences in spite of some derailed politicians and ethnic nationalist activists’ barrages of fake narratives and treacherous and sinister motives. What gives the cohesion of the country is an esprit des corps based on a traditional culture, which in turn derives its solidity from the roots of a rich history as well as a common fate for all committed to live here. It is people like Eskinder who understand the dynamics of this fact and can save the country from succumbing to protracted civil war which can be so difficult to bring to an end.

Girma Berhanu (Professor of special Education)
Department of Education and special education
Västra Hamngatan 25
Box 300, SE 405 30 Goteborg, Sweden
University of Gothenburg
Tel. +46 (0)31 786 2325
Mobile +46704731818
Girma.berhanu@ped.gu.se

[1] Awards and honors : PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award; World Association of Newspapers’ Golden Pen of Freedom Award^; International Press Institute World Press Freedom Hero

[2] Zena Hitz, Lost in Thought: The Hidden Pleasures of an Intellectual Life.

[3] Steier, F. (1995). Research and reflexivity. London, England: Sage.

[4] Boud, D., Keogh, R., Walker, D. (Eds.). (2000). Reflection: Turning experience into learning. New York, NY: Nichols.

[5] Samantha Reis and Brian Martin ( 2008) Psychological dynamics of outrage against injustice Peace Research: The Canadian Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies, Vol. 40, Number 1, 2008, pp. 5-23.

[6] Sendjaya, S. (2005). Leaders as servants. Monash Business Review, 1(2), 1-7. Sendjaya, S., Sarros, J. C., & Santora, J. C. (2008). Defining and measuring servant leadership behaviour in organizations. Journal of Management Studies, 45(2), 402-424.

[7] Barnabas, A. & Clifford, P. S. (2012). Mahatma Gandhi – An Indian model of servant leadership. International Journal of Leadership Studies 7(2). Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Annette_Barnabas/publication/234090908 _MAHATMA_GANDHI_

[8] Spears, L. C. (1996). Reflections on Robert K. Greenleaf and servant-leadership. Leadership & Organization Development Journal, 17 (7), 33–35.

[9] Brian Martin, (2007). Justice Ignited: The Dynamics of Backfire (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield

[10] Bob Altemeyer, Enemies of Freedom: Understanding Right-Wing Authoritarianism (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1988), 310.

[11]   Eskinder Nega, a prominent journalist who is now the Chairman of the Balderas for True Democracy party and his deputy Sintayehu Chekol were also arrested on 30 June in Addis Ababa. Eskinder was presented in court on 1 July on suspicions of organizing Addis Ababa youth for violence, and again on 16 July, when the police asked for more time to complete investigations.https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2020/07/ethiopia-account-for-all-people-arrested-after-hachalu-hundesa-killing/

[12] Lieberfeld D. (2014) Nelson Mandela: Personal Characteristics and Reconciliation-Oriented Leadership. In: Jallow B.G. (eds) Leadership in Postcolonial Africa. Palgrave Studies in African Leadership. Palgrave Macmillan, New York.

[13] Jeff Goodwin, James M. Jasper, and Francesca Polletta, eds., Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001).

[14] Heath, C. (1944), Gandhi. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd.

[15] Barnabas, A. & Clifford, P. S. (2012).Ibid

[16] There are many passages in the Bible which depict the servant leadership qualities of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, who lived in the first century A.D. and taught His disciples, “But he who is greatest among you shall be your servant” (Matt. 23:11; New King James Version of the Holy Bible). Jesus modelled His teaching on servant leadership by washing the feet of His disciples, including the one who was to betray Him.

[17] Greenleaf, R. K. (1977/2002). Servant-leadership: A journey into the nature of legitimate power and greatness. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press.

[18] Sendjaya, S. (2005). Leaders as servants. Monash Business Review, 1(2), 1-7.

[19] Qadir, A. (1939). A statesman in beggar’s garb. In S. Radhakrishnan, (Ed.), Mahatma Gandhi – Essays and reflections on his life and work (pp. 238-242). Woking, Great Britain: Unwin Brothers Limited.

[20] Addis Ababa, with a population approaching four million people, is also home to the African Union and the UN Economic Commission for Africa and is widely regarded as Africa’s diplomatic capital—and indeed the world’s third largest diplomatic hub.

[21]    https://www.zehabesha.com/who-owns-addis-ababa-by-veronica-melaku/ https://www.persee.fr/doc/ethio_0066-2127_2009_num_24_1_1394

[22] Ibid

[23] Finfinne. It is what the Oromos want to call Addis Ababa. They actuall aspire to rename the city.

[24] https://kichuu.com/finfinne-addis-ababa-oromo-land/

KHARTOUM

Ethiopia has informed Sudan that it has not started filling the reservoir of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), Sudan’s Foreign Ministry said on Thursday.

In a statement, the ministry said Ethiopia had conveyed that reports regarding the filling of the dam were incorrect.

The clarification was presented by Ethiopia’s Charge d’Affaires Mekonnen Gossaye in a meeting with Babaker al-Amin, a senior official of the Sudanese Foreign Ministry, in Sudan’s capital Khartoum.

Gossaye asserted that Ethiopia had not closed the gates of the dam and the buildup of water was a natural process due to the current rainy season.

He also reaffirmed his country’s willingness to continue the ongoing negotiations between Sudan, Ethiopia, and Egypt on the $5 billion project.

For his part, al-Amin reiterated Sudan’s commitment to negotiations to reach a consensus on the matter, while also conveying the country’s stance against any unilateral measures.

The issue was sparked by a statement from Seleshi Bekele, Ethiopia’s water minister, on Wednesday, which gave the impression that Ethiopia had started filling the dam.

The minister has since issued a clarification, while Ethiopia’s state-owned broadcaster also apologized on Thursday for what is said was “erroneous” reporting.

Egypt opposes the hydropower project that Ethiopia started building in 2011 on the Blue Nile, a tributary of the Nile River, near the border with Sudan.

Ethiopia has said it will start filling the dam in July, while Egypt and Sudan are opposed to any such move before a tripartite agreement is reached.

The three countries failed to reach an understanding earlier this week.

Egypt fears the dam will affect its annual share of the Nile’s water, amounting to 55.5 billion cubic meters.

The GERD’s construction is expected to finish by 2023 and the hydroelectric dam will produce 6,475 megawatts for Ethiopia’s domestic and industrial use, as well as for export to neighboring countries.

Ethiopia maintains it will not harm the interests of Egypt and Sudan, and that its only aim is to generate electricity and boost development.

*Writing by Mahmoud Barakat

Mahlet Fasil @MahletFasil

Addis Abeba, July 17/2020– Judges at the Federal High Court Lideta Branch have ordered federal police to conduct an inquiry into the beating of Eskinder Nega, Founder and Leader of the opposition party Balderas for Genuine Democracy, by members of the federal police.

Eskindir was arrested on July 01 by heavily armed police officers from his office. Sintayehu Chekol, his deputy, was also detained the next day from the capital Addis Abeba.

Update: Police brought @eskinder_nega and Sintayehu Checkol, another senior member of the party, today to the Fed. 1st Instance Court, Arada Branch. The judges have granted the police 14 days to remand & investigate Eskinder & 12 days to remand & investigate Sintayehu.

Src: EBC pic.twitter.com/L4B4KDY6xb

— Addis Standard (@addisstandard) July 2, 2020

The police have already brought Eskinder and Sintayehu to the Federal First Instant Court First Arada Branch on July 02 and were granted 14 days to remand and investigate both.

However, due to security concerns, yesterday’s pretrial hearing was transferred to the Federal High Court Lideta Branch, his defense lawyer Henok Aklilu told Addis Standard.

During the hearing, Eskinder and his defense lawyer told the judges that Eskinder was physically assaulted by members of the police on the day he was detained. Eskinder told the court that he will press charges against the members of the police who were involved in his beating. Subsequently the judges have ordered the federal police to investigate the claim and submit the results to the court.

The police accuse Eskinder and Sintayehu of coordinating violence in Addis Abeba in the aftermath of the assassination of prominent Oromo artist Hacaaluu Hundeessaa, including paying money to and dispatching several groups of young people in the city, which resulted in the death of ten people, including two police officers, who were killed either by rocks, or shot at, or due to bomb blasts. The police also accuse the two of causing the injuries of 57 police officers and damages to properties worth 54 million birr in the two days that followed the assassination of Hacaaluu.

Eskinder and his defense team deny all the allegations. Henok also objected police’s request for additional days on the grounds that the police have already told the court they were in possession of said evidences.

However the judges have granted the police 13 more days to remand and investigate Eskinder and Sintayehu and adjourned the next hearing on July 29.

AS

By Hizkel Hailu
The Ethiopian Herald