800 Ethiopians living in Norway without having legal residence may now be forcibly returned to Ethiopia, according to NRK. Ethiopians may now be forced to return to Ethiopia Photo: Håkon Mosvold Larsen / NTB scanpix

Ethiopia has previously refused to accept the returns, but authorities in the country have now changed their minds. Ethiopia entered into a return agreement with Norway in January 2012, but has so far only been willling to accept people who return voluntarily.

Jøran Kallemyr (Photo) was in Ethiopia just before he resigned as Secretary of State in the Ministry of Justice recently. He then got guarantees from the Ethiopian Foreign Minister, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, according to NRK.

– The Foreign Minister, who is also a candidate to become secretary general of the World Health Organization, have said they will follow this through. We have a wide cooperation with Ethiopia on a number of development areas, so we expect them to accept their own citizens, he said.

Source: NTB scanpix / Norway Today

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Representatives of Diverse Ethiopians formed:

ETHIOPIAN COUNCIL FOR RECONCILIATION AND THE RESTORATIVE OF JUSTICE (ECRRJ)

Press Release

February 18, 2016 Washington, DC-

Executive Summary:

On February 14, 2016, the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) announced the formation of the Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restorative of Justice (ECRRJ) at a public meeting held at the Sheraton Hotel in Silver Springs, Maryland. The Council’s formation was the outcome of a strategic planning retreat held over the course of three days previous to the meeting. Those attending the retreat were representatives of diverse Ethiopians. The ECRRJ is a people-to-people movement for healing, reconciliation and the restorative of justice in Ethiopia.

Background:

The need for reconciliation and restorative justice has been an integral part of the mission of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) from the beginning. The SMNE was birthed as an idea, years prior to its official formation in 2008. In fact, the idea resulted from a deepening awareness of the pain and suffering of Ethiopians throughout the country following the genocide of the Anuak in 2003. In a country stuck in cycles of violence and revenge; it became clear that the only hope for sustainable peace and justice was to disengage from that cycle of revenge and hate; and to instead choose forgiveness, reconciliation and the pursuit of justice as a deliberate choice to forge a new path. 

As the idea grew; it became evident that freedom and justice would never come to the Anuak alone, until freedom and justice came to all Ethiopians. In a deeply divided country, this meant we had to step out of our tribal boxes to embrace others; putting humanity before ethnicity or any other differences, in order to create a more harmonious society. Finally, in 2008, the SMNE began as an effort to bring together the diverse people of Ethiopia to work towards the goals of bringing truth, freedom, justice, transparency and accountability. It led to efforts to bring reconciliation among divided and disconnected people as well as a sense of cohesion, empathy and social responsibility towards others.

In the last 23 years, when some of our people were afflicted in one place; others often did not seem to care. When we are flicked ourselves; it often goes without notice. When the Anuak were massacred, only the Anuak cried. This disregard for each others’ well being can be seen in case after case, despite the fact that we live among each other or were born in the same country. The truth is; we do not have a history of talking to each other.

The SMNE has worked towards this foundational goal of unity-building in various ways; including efforts to bring diverse people together in public forums, marches, discussions, reaching out to advocate for others outside our own groups, standing up for the rights of others in harms way and other reconciliation efforts over the past years.

In November 15, 2014, the SMNE hosted a number of public forums in Washington DC and in other cities, emphasizing the need to “talk to each other rather than about each other.” The formation of the Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restorative of Justice (ECRRJ) is a continuation of this effort.

Current crisis leading to strategic planning retreat:

We believe the crisis in Ethiopia has reached a new level of urgency based on the present escalating violence in Ethiopia. In order to formulate ideas and a plan to address these issues, the SMNE organized a retreat and invited diverse Ethiopians, who are invested in seeking a different future, to come together for a 3-day retreat this past week to explore possibilities and then to share them at a public meeting held on February 14, 2016 in Washington DC.

It is easy to focus on the urgent issues — an oppressive government, corruption, killing of the Oromo student protestors, or the impending famine and food insecurity— and conclude it is all about the TPLF/EPRDF. It leads to the notion that removing the TPLF/EPRDF will solve our problems; however, there are many people who believe that without healing, reconciliation and the restorative of justice among the people, Ethiopians will be unable to find solutions to the crises of conflict, famine and rising instability in Ethiopia. In fact, without a foundation of healing and reconciliation, our future may end up no better, if not worse, than our present condition. 

At the retreat, participants heard the grievances, hardships, wounds and cultural perspectives of others as each told their story. It was intense. People wept, reached out, felt pain and connected to each other. There was serious discussion. There was the sharing of food and laughter. There was a campfire with more stories and discussion. At the end, the healing had begun. New relationships were formed. The understanding of another’s experience and pain was enlightening; broadening the perspective of what Ethiopia could become if people listened to each other. At the end, there was renewed hope that Ethiopia could be a home for all its people; that neighbors did not have to fight each other if they more fully understood that each Ethiopian has a name. 

Formation of the Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restorative of Justice (ECRRJ):

The final outcome of the retreat was the unanimous decision to form the Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restorative of Justice (ECRRJ), believing it is only through healing, reconciliation and the restorative of justice that Ethiopians will find a meaningful and more sustainable solution. A summary of the group’s decision, describing its basic purpose and goals are as follows:

Purpose:

To provide a framework for people to forgive, repent, and have an open dialogue in order to create healing, understanding, atonement, peace, and justice among all Ethiopians, domestic and abroad. We are all equal! We accept, include, and acknowledge the grievances, hopes, fears, and experiences of all Ethiopian people, regardless of political affiliation, religious belief, or ethnicity. We will work on a people to people grassroots level, among all ethnic groups including elites, civil society or stakeholders but not with the TPLF/EPRDF government.

Goals:

We have four immediate goals:

1. To officially structure the council with a functional structure within six months.
2. To promote tolerance, trust, equality and justice for all Ethiopians.
3. To reach out to Ethiopian religious, civic and political organizations to enhance ECRRJ’s mission and ideas. We seek to build partnerships with other people and organizations.
4. To use the media to create greater awareness on healing, reconciliation and the restorative of justice.

SMNE Public Meeting:

At the beginning of the people to people public forum, the SMNE leaders expressed their cordial thanks to all the participants for their contributions to the retreat and forum. Mr. Dawit Agonafer, Board Member of the SMNE, opened up the public forum; Miss Yerusalem Work, SMNE Director of Operations read an emotional and touching poem entitled: Love of Country; Mr. Tesfa Mekonnen, the Chairman of the SMNE’s DC Metro Chapter welcomed the public; and, Dr. Gregory Stanton, President of Genocide Watch talked about the early warning signs of genocide.

The Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restorative of Justice (ECRRJ) statement was read in four different languages: Amharic, Oromiffa, Tigrigna and English. The retreat participants shared their diverse experiences as citizens of Ethiopia. Many questions and comments were made, leading to a very lively and at times, intense, discussion. A video of the event will be available to the public in the near future.

Rationale for the Council:

There are many people who believe that reconciliation is key to creating a conducive environment to be able to effectively resolve the problems within our country. As indicated, some of those individuals met the past week to discuss the challenges presented in our very divided country. They came to the conclusion that it will be difficult to find a solution to the crisis of conflict, famine and rising instability in Ethiopia without first resolving the conflicts among ourselves, different ethnic groups and different sectors of society. This calls for a more intense focus on reconciliation, aided by representatives of different groups of our society, to steer such an effort in this direction, preparing for another stage where the restorative of justice and meaningful reforms would be addressed more intensely.

The ECRRJ was formed to act as a diverse, yet consolidated, voice for such a solution. We believe it begins by seeking individual and collective healing for Ethiopians, following years of trauma, suffering, loss and hardship caused by oppression, marginalization, war, corruption, ethnic-based hatred and alienation, discrimination, torture, false imprisonment, human rights abuses and deep-seeded injustice. Such trauma can be experienced as individuals or as members of a collective group. It can be passed on to the next generations, along with the destructive emotions of anger, bitterness, alienation, prejudice and the desire to seek revenge or hold strong prejudices against a collective group of people, even if it is against their descendants. 

One of the participants, Mr. Roba Ahmed, an Oromo man, said that anger over injustice had been passed on from his grandfather to his father and from his father to himself and that he refused to pass it on to his children. He said that was the reason he was there. It was time to stop it. He was speaking of the pain, bitterness and resentments of the past that were destroying possibilities for working together as Ethiopians, making cooperation in the present a step of disloyalty towards an ancestor of the past. He wants to end the vicious cycle, enabling the next generation to be freer to live in peace.

Unhealed trauma, wounds and anger have led to a divided, suspicious, abusive and unjust society where there is little trust. One only feels safe within one’s own group, although those groups can also be divided. It is all propelled again and again through cycles of violence and revenge. Under such conditions, genuine unity among the people that would enable Ethiopians to work together towards shared goals, is an illusive dream. The collaboration that everyone is calling for now is to “take down” a mutual “enemy,” but even if it worked, it is short-lived and easily subject to hijack.

Consider how yesterday’s or today’s victims will function if given power, without first experiencing healing and reconciliation. The TPLF is an example. They were thrust into a war in the bush as victims of injustice, now becoming like those who afflicted them in the past. A recycling of aggression, victimization and self-interest, without regard for others, is relived now in a new generation. 

How can this pattern of dangerous dysfunction be broken without healing, reconciliation and the restorative of justice? It should be lead by diverse Ethiopians who can propel this vision forward and act as bridges of reconciliation between the people. As people are reconciled, they are humanized in the eyes of the other. They are also newly connected to each other to form relationship. With relationship comes the social and moral imperative to correct wrongs when and where one can do so. These relationships can involve individuals, families, groups, ethnicities, regions, religions, or among aggrieved citizens of a nation. This effort should address issues of wrongdoing, including individual or recurring incidents of injustice as well as systemic injustice when such wrongs are deeply entrenched into the fabric of society. 

Restorative justice is a means to transition out of a violent, divided, and unjust society to something better and more responsive to the rights of all its members. For example, a criminels justice approach looks at what laws were broken, who did what and what they deserve. It serves to punish chief offenders as well as petty offenders in some cases, but it does not assure needed structural changes to institutionalized injustice, especially when previous power holders remain entrenched in the system.

The emphasis of restorative justice looks at who was harmed, what are their needs and who is obligated to address them. Correction of wrongs committed over the past years will include some degree of obligation to fix them and if systemic, it will require systemic changes to our institutions on the local, regional and national levels. It will involve listening, public discussion, an openness to change and effective implementation of changes necessary to restore justice. Restorative justice may bring more sustainable peace, justice and equity than either an over-heavy use of the criminal justice approach or a violent overthrow of the current system because restorative justice seeks to repair a deeply broken system, not just replace the people on top. 

The ECRRJ’s goal is to bring diverse voices into strategic and empowered positions to focus on bringing healing, reconciliation and the restorative of justice to Ethiopians as the only way to break this self-destructive cycle of violence, injustice and oppression. Even those who consider themselves victims of this regime can fail to see how to break the cycle and can start to over-identify with the role of victim or even move between the two roles in destructive ways affecting self and others.

Our mission is to provide a means to escape from this cycle by promoting the healing of individuals, communities and our nation. This means an intentional strategy to bring diverse and alienated people together to talk to each other rather than about each other. It also includes bringing factions together to listen to each other so as to better understand the “other” and to better deal with the pain and grievances of these others.

The Council’s position is to seek an environment where healing and reconciliation will equip the people to better focus on the future, becoming part of the solution to restoring justice and bringing about meaningful reforms for the common good. This is why the council was formed. Ignoring these problems and the problems of others within our society can have serious consequences. Once we better understand the pain of others; we will be able to join together to confront the current crises we are facing— the starvation, the lack of political space, the land issues, the lack of opportunity and other issues.

We in the ECRRJ are not interested in artificial or shallow cohesion; it will not last, nor will it give us what we want. The main responsibility right now is on the people to put our act together. If we do, we can confront our many crises or even prevent them, like avoiding ethnic conflict. The voice of healed and reconciled people or groups, can assume greater strength and moral authority. This is what we seek to encourage, direct and empower through the ECRRJ.

As the ECRRJ is launched, we are calling on the people to start this dialogue. When violence occurs, it does so to individuals; so we must become agents of reconciliation and justice, talking to each other in the language of love and respect in a humanizing, not dehumanizing way. 

This starts from within the hearts of each of us. Seek a quiet place and listen to one’s conscience as we face this present crisis; it may be during this time we are most ready to hear and to receive instruction, joy, conviction and healing. Reach out to reconcile with those closest to us, even within our families, communities, places of worship and work places. We call on members of the religious community, as well as many others, to join this effort. How can justice for all be restored in a country like Ethiopia without embracing the humanity of others? Let us do our part and seek God’s help to do what seems otherwise impossible!

May God protect Ethiopians from choosing the wrong paths that will inflict harm to self and others and may lead to our mutual destruction.

=========================    ========================

For more information, contact Obang Metho, Email: Obang@solidaritymovement.org

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Date: February 20, 2016
Number: MW-EXT0020-2016

To Members of European Parliament
Wiertzstraat 60
B-1047 Brussels,
Belgium

From : Moresh Wegenie Amhara Organization (MWAO)
8221 Georgia Avenue Silver Spring, Maryland, MD 20901 USA

RE: A Plea to revise article E of the Resolution of the European Union of January 21, 2016 on the situation in Ethiopia (2016/2520(RSP)) B8-0091/2016. This article states:

“Whereas Ethiopia is highly diverse country in terms of religious beliefs and cultures; whereas some of the largest ethnic communities, particularly the Oromo and the Somali (Ogaden) have been marginalized in the favor of the Amhara and the Tigray with little participation in political participation”.

Your excellencies;

First of all, we pray to the Almighty that He may grant full health to the members of the Parliament, and peace, development and wealth to the world population.

Moresh Wogenie Amara organization (MWAO), which submits this plea to the August Parliament, is an Amhara Organization based in America. It is legally registered in Maryland, USA, as a civic society and has branches all over the world. The Amhara is one of the two major ethnic groups of Ethiopia. MWAO aspires to share the plight of the Amhara with nations who stand for justice in general and to concerned human rights organizations in particular.

The evidence shows that this ethnic group is currently in dire need of rescue from being reduced to insignificance or total elimination by mass killing of its members. It has been the target of criminal ethnic elimination by several brutal means of ethnic cleansing conducted by the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) that has been ruling the country since 1991 under the guise of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Within the three years of its existence, MWAO has issued over eighty documents, in text and video, as evidence of the quiet but systematic elimination of the Amhara by the TPLF.

It inspires hope that the European Union Parliament has finally noticed the crimes the TPLF/EPRDF is committing against the people of Ethiopia, under the pretext of the growth of Addis Ababa by incorporating surrounding farmers’ lands into the city.

Our organization is indebted to the individuals who have made the effort to bring the case to the attention of the Parliament and to the Parliament in passing this historic resolution on the situation in Ethiopia (2016/2520(RSP)) B8-0091/2016). But, we are dismayed by the wording of paragraph E, in which the Amhara is wrongly represented:

“E. whereas Ethiopia is a highly diverse country in terms of religious beliefs and cultures; whereas some of the largest ethnic communities, particularly the Oromo and the Somali (Ogaden), have been marginalized in favor of the Amhara and the Tigray, with little participation in political representation.”

The truth is the Amhara are the marginalized group in favor of Tigray and other ethnic groups, with no participation in the political representation. For example, the ruling front/TPLF has 60 Military Generals out of which 58 (96.7%) of the Generals are from the ruling TPLF and the majority are from the same district either from Adwa, Axum or Mekele. The military chain of commands are all controlled by the TPLF. The top position within the Government is run by Individuals from Tigray and Eritrean Origin. This includes the handpicked Bereket Simon who was assigned to represent the Amhara is an Eritrean (both parents are Eritreans). The foreign minister Tewodros Adhanom is also an Eritrean.

The last twenty-four years of the Tigrean dictatorship has been a period in which Oromo and Somali Liberation Fronts have cooperated with the regime in the ethnic cleansing of the Amharas in the regions where the Oromo and the Somali are in the majority. We, therefore, humbly request that the Parliament make the necessary amendment to reflect the reality on the ground. If the resolution remains as it now stands, it will definitely encourage the evil activities of ethnic cleansing in every region of the country. We will list the necessary pieces of information for the Parliament to undertake the desirable amendment: It is widely known to all, including the European Parliament, we believe, that as of May 28, 1991, the time the TPLF/EPRDF took political and religious power of Ethiopia, the Amhara have been deliberately excluded from any decision making in the economic, political, and social life of the nation. On the contrary, since the TPLF has targeted the Amhara people as its enemy from its inception. During its twenty-five years in power, it has been cleansing the regions of Amhara on a genocidal level. The following steps were taken in preparation for committing the said crimes on the Amhara:

1. When the military junta fell and the TPLF took power, it invited, on May 20, 1991, representatives of ethnic groups to a conference to form a transitional government, but it deliberately excluded the Amharas people (35% of the general population) from participation, whereas the Oromo and the Somali (Ogaden), which the Parliament has described as “have been marginalized,” were full participants.

2. The Charter of the Transitional government adopted by the conference was actually drafted by Eritrean People’s Liberation Front, Tigray People’s Liberation Front, and Oromo Liberation Front long before the conference. Clearly, the Amhara, the second largest group in the nation was marginalized.

3. The driver of Ethiopian power today is the TPLF. When this front was established on February 18, 1975, it issued its first manifesto which stated: “The national struggle of the people of Tigray is against the enemy, which is the Amhara, . . .” (1976, p. 18; see also Welkait.com.

4. Based on this manifesto, untold crimes, that contradict article (E) of the Parliament’s resolution, have been perpetrated on the Amhara:

Ancestral fertile lands of the Amhara; the entire Raya and Azebo from Wello; and Setit Humera, Wolqait, Tegede, Telemt, and Armachiho from North Gonder Administration were taken and made part of Tigray, which is the region of the ruling group. The Amhara residents in these regions, who objected to the land grab and forced change of ethnicity, were executed, imprisoned, and displaced. Those forced into exile number in the thousands.

4.1. From 1991 to 1995 alone, the following crimes have been committed on the Amhara:

(a) 196 killed;
(b) 44 whose whereabouts are unknown;
(c) 9 exiled;
(d) 45 imprisoned from two to eight years;

4.2. List of Amhara brutally hacked to death in Hararge and Arsi since the TPLF took power:

(a) In Arsi, in Dec. 1991-Jan. 1992: The following crimes have been committed on the Amhara who resided in the province of the Hiquach ena Butajera and the Arsi Negelle district:

• 60 killed;
• 60 wounded;
• 6203 domestic animals looted;
• 64 houses demolished;
• 7246 stacks of grain destroyed;
• 247 hectares of harvest destroyed;
• 1200 domestic animals were put on fire;
• 12766 pieces of corrugated iron for building houses were looted;
• Church property, including holy items, estimated 431120 Birr (US 21,556), have been looted.
• 702 family heads and 6987 members have been displaced;
• 754 were killed, 87 of which were slaughtered with the knife;
• 405 were injured with bullets and swords;
• 56 girls were sexually assaulted;
• 76 wives were sexually assaulted before their husbands;
• The whereabouts of 248 juveniles remain unknown;
• 1554 houses were set on fire;
• 10380 remain without shelter;
• 7 pregnant women were shot to death;
• 8 churches were burned down.

(b) Since 1991, heinous crimes have been committed against the Amhara in different districts of the administrative region of Harar.

• 76 were killed in Gara Mulleta;
• 300 were killed in Watar;
• 123 were killed in Beddeno by being hurled down the precipice of Aneftu;
• 8 were killed in the city of Dire Dawa;
• In a search conducted in Gelemso in 1992/3, 16 sacks of Amhara sculls were exhumed from a placed where mass execution was committed. A sack was estimated to contain an average of 100 sculls. That means 1600 Amharas had perished;
• 20 were killed in Habru;
• 8 were killed in Mechara;
• 14 were killed in Wofi;
• 15 were killed in Ketera;
• 8 were killed in Dereku;
• 7 were killed in Mitcheta;
• 10 were killed in Qersa;
• 15 women were killed with amputation of their breasts;
• 4 churches were burnt down.

4.3 In East Wellegga:

• 754 were killed;
• 6251 houses were set on fire;
• 52303 cattle were looted;
• 222 granaries were burned down;
• 96 domestic animals were burned.

4.4 In Gurra Ferda, in the Maji zone, between 2011 and 2015:

• Different sources show that 78,000 people were displaced. Adolala, a reporter of Sub-Sahara TV, has reported from Gurra Ferda that 22,000 Amharas were displaced.
• Over 600 Amharas were killed on September 30, 2015;
• 250 houses were set on fire on this same day;
• On the same day, the houses of over 3364 Amharas were confiscated and their owners were driven out;
• Over 860 children were thrown out on the street;
• A church was set on fire.

4.5. Since 1992, the following crimes were committed against the Amhara in Beni-Shangul-Gumuz:

• Over 10,000 were killed in 1992. In fact, the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO) reports that on July 16, 1992, 270 Amharas were killed, 6833 houses were set on fire, and over 60,000 people were displaced.
• 5200 Amharas were displaced in 2012, in the Metekel Zone;
• 4500 Amharas were displaced in the Kemash Zone in 2013 (see (EHRCO, Release no.126);
• On May 16 and 17, 2015, 160 Amhara were slaughtered with machetes and knives; the flesh of 80 were eaten by those who committed the crime.

4.6. The following crimes were committed on the Amhara in 2015 in the district of Nonno, in eastern Shoa:

• 1 man was killed;
• 10 were gravely injured;
• 124 houses were set on fire (see EHRCO, special report no. 136).

4.7. Between 1991 and 2014, the following crimes were committed against the Amhara, in the Afar Administrative region:

• 2,000 were killed;
• 200 were exiled;
• 94 were drowned in the Red Sea as they fled to Saudi Arabia.

5.  In summation, during the 25 years of TPLF’s dictatorship, over five million Amhara are decimated by several means of the regime’s machinations. They were killed in droves, forced into exile, and women were given anti-fertility tablets under the guise of birth control to make an end to Amharas existence as an ethnic group. Additionally, by spreading the HIV virus among the Amhara, they have exposed the ethnic group to death and incurable illness.

Water and vector borne diseases like diarrhea and particularly seasonal malaria outbreaks in areas like Dembia, Gojam and Gonder were left unchecked without any preventive measures. The lack of staff and supply in this areas has caused deaths on an epidemic proportion among many young children, pregnant women and elderly mothers and fathers.
We sincerely can provide the Parliament with additional facts and figures to back up our cases whenever requested.
Respectfully,

Tekle Yeshaw Mekonnen
Chairman/Moresh Wegenie Amara Organization
End Notes
For more information please refer to the following links.
1. Documentary; US policy[TM1] : Ethiopia A failed State   https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ikVl6auH83w
2. Al Jazeera, Amhara Region, Not only. the Poorest in Ethiopia, but the poorest in the world’https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pHs8uNuSguw
3. ESAT: Insight Interview with Amabassador HermanCohen, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WvfvFA6Q2Go
4. Tigray Hate for Amhara : https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pb23FCQMrQ0&spfreload=10
5. Anonymous: Keeping It Real for Ethiopia https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uNRRfx6lDUQ
6. Breaking News Amara from Gura Ferda ethnic Cleansing https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3k20QKe9o1Y
7. ESAT: Human Right, Amara People Eviciton from Southern Ethiopiahttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pHSilGxC22E
8. ESAT: Human Right Meles Zenawi’s Appalling Human Right Record In Ethiopia’https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sxghiXcXCeI
9. Amara Farmers Expelled From Western Ethiopia In a New Ethnic Cleasing Campaign, March, 2014 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1dExv3M_mS
10. ESAT: Breaking News Amhara Genocides Continues April 22/2011.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F60xOAsihmU
11. Amara Women Sterilized by Tigre’s. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6OztZBDrWKA

The post To Members of European Parliament – From : Moresh Wegenie Amhara Organization (MWAO) appeared first on Satenaw.

Mark Zuckerberg Sort of Responds To Kanye West’s Request for Money. Kanye West recently made the shocking admission that he was $53 million in debt. Perhaps even more surprising is how he wanted to pull himself out of it.

The rapper/producer recently reached out to Facebook creator Mark Zuckerberg, but he did it on Twitter, which most off the bat felt inappropriate. Well, it was that element that the billionaire found strange too.

Steven Grimm, a former colleague of Zuckerberg at Facebook and friend on the social media network posted a status to Facebook reading, “Dear Kanye West: If you’re going to ask the CEO of Facebook for a billion dollars, maybe don’t do it on Twitter.”

Zuckerberg didn’t comment on the status but it’s clear he saw it as he liked it, endorsing Grimm’s sentiments. No word on whether Mark Zuckerberg will actually contribute to ‘Ye’s financial comeback. The least Yeezy can do is reach out through the proper channel.

BET.com is your No. 1 source for Black celebrity news, photos, exclusive videos and all the latest in the world of hip hop and R&B music.

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february 20, 2016 

By Albasa Dagaga

Mohammed International Development Research and Organization Companies (MIDROC)

MIDROC Companies are owned by the Saudi billionaire, Sheikh Mohammed Hussein Ali Al-Amoudi. Al-Amoudi Companies are operating in Africa, Europe, the Middle East, and the United States of America[i].

Who is Mohammed Hussein Al-Amoudi?

Mohammed Hussein Ali Al-Amoudi is a Saudi Arabian billionaire businessman. Al-Amoudi was born July 21, 1946 from his mother Rakiya Mohammed Yassin (Wollo) and his father Haji Hussein Al-Amoudi (Saudi Arabia). The 69-year-old is close to the Saudi royal family.

He was ranked by Forbes magazine as the world’s 63rd-richest person and was worth $12.3 billion in 2012. In early March 2015, had his net worth estimated at Forbes at $10.8 billion. Mohammed Al-Amoudi’s estimated net worth declined to $8.4 billion as of February 2016, according to Bloomberg, a relative fall in net value was linked to the global fall in oil prices at the time of estimation. This son of Saudi father and Ethiopian mother, Al-Amoudi started investing in Sweden in the 1970s. His construction company MIDROC scored contract to build Saudi Arabia’s nationwide underground oil storage complex in 1988 estimated at $30 billion project. This solidified his fortune. Today the Ethiopian economy is controlled by two large major conglomerates: his MIDROC (Mohamed International Development Research Organization Companies) and EFFORT (The Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigrai).

In addition to his economic empire, Al-Amoudi seems to have built a sophisticated security apparatus akin to shadow government inside Ethiopia–Trust Protection and Personnel Services Pvt. Ltd. Co. (TRUST). According to Al-Amoudi, TRUST is “engaged in providing protection and other professional as well as personnel services on contract basis. It also renders services related to customs clearing and forwarding services, as well as safety and modern alarm services for interested organizations. The company started its service activities with the aim of modernizing protection and personnel services within companies in Ethiopia.” Only a country ruled by lawless rebels whose primary aim is robbery of that country will allow a foreign national (Saudi Arabian billionaire) to form such a sophisticated security apparatus inside their country.

MIDROC Ethiopia is a private investment company with about 70 group and affiliate companies that are engaged in multifaceted business sectors across the country.

MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group[ii]

Al-Amoudi’s Ethiopia Business Empire

After TPLF controlled Ethiopia, Al-Amoudi moved to Ethiopia and started buying several companies from TPLF using government privatization program. In 1994, Al- Amoudi created MIDROC Ethiopia. He now has substantial business interests and owns a broad portfolio of businesses in construction, energy, agriculture, mining, hotels, healthcare and manufacturing, security firm amongst others; this makes his business empire one of two controlling the entire economic activity of Ethiopia, the other being EFFORT.

MIDROC operating in Ethiopian are not totally financed from al-Amoudi’s accounts. He usually secures loan from local banks. This enables him to transfer most of the investment risks to the local banks. For example, from 1998-2000, MIDROC was awarded Ethiopian government owned enterprises by acquiring the Lega Dembi Gold and Kenticha Tantalum mines, tea plantations, agriculture enterprises and a soft drink company (Pepsi Cola).  He borrowed from local banks in Ethiopia in order to partially finance these acquisitions. MIDROC’s total borrowing from the Ethiopian local banks is not publicly known.  However, one reliable source indicates, in 2008 MIDROC secured Birr 200 million ($21 million USD) from the Development Bank of Ethiopia (DBE) for its Derba-Midroc Cement factory. In July 2012 MIDROC borrowed 942 million Birr ($52 million USD at the then exchange rate) from the CBE.

MIDROC paid Public Enterprise Supervising Agency, 860 million birr Ethiopia for one of the country’s biggest farms, Upper Awash Agro-Industry Enterprise. The Al-Amoudi-owned Saudi Star Agricultural Development Plc plans to develop up to 500,000 hectares (1,200,000 acres) of Ethiopian land for sugar, edible oil, and grain production. In March 2011, Saudi Star announced a further investment of $2.5 billion in Ethiopian rice projects. Some 10,000 hectares have been taken up in 60-year leases and the company plans to rent an additional 290,000 hectares. The company had reportedly purchased $80 million in equipment from Caterpillar Inc.

In this article, I will highlight the negative impact of one of Al-Amoudi’s enterprises on Oromia and show why the enterprise must be shut down as soon as possible through people revolt.

MIDROC Gold Mine Pvt. Ltd. Co. (MGOLD)

MIDROC Gold Mine Pvt. Ltd. Co. (MGOLD) is one of about 30 major corporations with about 70 group and affiliate companies owned and operated by the Saudi billionaire Al-Amoudi. MGOLD is engaged in Mining and Exploration activities mostly in Oromia region. MIDROC Gold Mine PLC is led by the CEO who is also the General Manager. The company has four Operation Units: Mine Operations, Heavy/Light Duty Maintenance Operations Metallurgy Operations, Exploration; and seven service units. The company is actively involved in mining gold while being engaged in exploration to find new gold deposits.

According to 2014 data acquired from World Bank presentation on MIDROC, Gold Mine PLC employs a total workforce of 1,359 of which 1,328 are permanent and 31 are expatriates working at various capacities. MIDROC Gold also employs 492 employees on “secondement” basis from Trust Protection and Personnel Services PLC. MIDROC gold is exported in Doré form to a refinery in Switzerland. The gold doré bars are shipped to Argor Heraus refinery in Switzerland; the gold is then refined and sold to Commerzbank in Zurich Switzerland.

The Legadembi Gold Mine in Southern Oromia, is an open pit operation with annual production of 1.6 million tons of ore. The mine was privatized and awarded to MIDROC Ethiopia in 1997. According to MIDROC statement, yearly average production is about 4500kg of gold-silver doré (fine gold production is in the order of 3,500kg). MIDROC Gold Mine PLC owns and operates the Legadembi Gold Mine, which is located 500km south of Finfinnee. During the past 16 years, over 52 thousand Kilograms of gold and about 15 thousand kilograms of silver were produced from Lagadambi alone, bringing a total of $1.3 billion US dollars. See table below.

Legadembi mine in operation for the last 16.5 years.

 Total production / Sale[iii]

Gold 52,044.71 kg
Silver 14,670.6 kg
Revenue from sales
Gold USD 1,249,428,016 (Birr 17,168,007,555)
Silver USD 5,860,253 (Birr 80,671,938)
 Total USD 1,255,288,269 (Birr 17,248,679,493)

Midroc Gold Mine paid $175 million to acquire the Laga Dembi mine in 1997 to run the mine for 20 years. Laga Dembi is in the Adola gold belt 300 km southeast of the Finfinnee. In 2012, the World Bank said in its report “Diagnosing Corruption in Ethiopia” that “The mining sector in Ethiopia is a hotbed of corruption and hub for graft and fraud.”  There are “seven areas of corruption risk” in the Ethiopian mining sector”, according the World Bank, including the “three main risk areas” of “license issuing, compliance with license conditions, and mining revenues”. And fraudulent practices in “compensations and obligations to local inhabitants, contracts with contractors and suppliers to the mining companies, falsification by mining companies of product quality, and theft of mining products and equipment.”

The regime has no independent means of verifying the revenues of mining companies. According to the WB, “Collection of royalties and income tax apparently depends almost entirely on the mining companies’ self-certification of output and profit.  Whereas, in the area of revenue, “mining companies may deliberately understate output and profit and overstate costs to reduce royalties and profit taxes.”

The World Bank in its 2012 report cover the entire spectrum fraudulent practices ranging from bribes, falsification of records, shakedowns and take downs of mining companies and stealing compensation designated for local inhabitants to criminal use of insider information and fraudulent shell corporations.

When local banks lend those millions to MIDROC Corporation it dries up the money supply to local small business that is the main engine of economic progress.

POTENTIAL FUTURE PROJECTS

According to MIDROC officials, there are currently two potentially economic projects within MIDROC Gold’s portfolio of ALEL, namely East Sakaro and Werseti Projects in Oromia. Sakaro is expected to contribute close to one tonne of gold production per annum, in the coming five years. Overall gold production is estimated at 17.5 tonnes. Both projects lie on the newly identified Tibiro-Sakaro-Ulaulo mineralized prominent shear zone, which extends for more than 20km, and are considered to have considerable upside potential. A 5-Year Strategic Exploration Plan is in place to advance the East Sakaro and Werseti Projects to feasibility within the next five years. Intensive trenching, geophysical surveys and prospecting drilling are also planned to test other targets already identified, with the aim of generating further drill-ready targets. MIDROC Gold is actively involved in exploration projects, which are located near the mine (Adola-Legadembi Exploration License – ALEL), and in another area some 600km northwest of Addis Ababa (Metekel Exploration License – MEL).

MEL covers 1964 sq km and is situated within the Tulu-Dimtu-Baruda Shear Belt of the western Ethiopia greenstone belt, known for numerous occurrences of gold and poly metallic minerals. Four key exploration gold targets of significant potential have been identified to date, namely Egambo, Aware-Doshe, Epar and Aydot-Fiti. Two other targets, namely West Tangoy and Meb-Anjakoya, have also been identified for copper and other rare metals.

The company’s 5-Year Strategic Exploration Plan has already been put in place and is being implemented. An underground mine is currently being developed beneath the open pit to extract deeper level ore – the commencement of full-scale underground mine operations is planned. The underground mine resources are planned to be developed and mined between 2007/08 and 2018.

MIDROC Gold is also planning to mine the deeper level resources of the present open pit mine, for this purpose an underground project is in progress. To date more than 3km of underground workings have been done, and the deeper resources have been evaluated for a minable vertical depth of 115m and a strike of 350m. The evaluation was done by 50m x 25m grid core drilling, which was conducted from underground cubbies. The ore bodies are open both down dip and along the strike, exploration drilling will continue for the deeper levels and other lenses that have not yet been evaluated.

Chief Executive Officer Melaku Beza in an interview with William Davison of Bloomberg news on March 12, 2012 in Finfinnee told him that the company plans to invest $150 million in the initial phase of production at Okote site in Oromia. Exploration conducted over 15 years shows the Okote site has 550 tons of gold deposit. The CEO said that the company can earn about $4 billion from harvesting just 73 tons from the more than 550 tons of gold deposit estimate[iv].

Why MIDROC Gold must be shut down

Environmental Disaster in Oromia

Over the past two decades, the Saudi billionaire, Al-Amoudi’s MIDROC Companies have expropriated billions of dollars from Oromia natural resources and billions more from Oromo consumers from his diversified consumer products. One of these is MIDROC Gold.

During the past 16 years, MIDROC Gold has had a devastating impact on ecosystems of Oromia. In the immediate mining areas, there are lethally polluted lakes, toxic, acidic water that kills animals. The water, many people fear, has already tainted the area’s groundwater supply. The community experiences deforestation as a result of additional forest logging done in the vicinity of mines to increase the available room for the storage of the created debris and soil. Besides creating environmental damage, the contamination resulting from leakage of chemicals has also affected the health of the local population. The environmental impact of mining includes erosion, formation of sinkholes, loss of biodiversity, and contamination of soil, groundwater, surface water by chemicals from mining processes.

Development and Communities shared value—NONE for Oromia

MIDROC Gold Mine in Lagadambi alone brought in about 1.3 billion US dollars over the past 16 years for the Saudi billionaire. MIDROC Gold Mine contribution to development and to our communities- zilch. An incredible arrogance and demeaning of our people; dishonoring of Oromo goodwill; hatred of our people –pure evil. As a matter of good business practice, mining, executed responsibly, has the potential to provide socio-economic benefits to all stakeholders—investors; the communities who own or occupy the surface rights; the country as a whole, as a force for sustainable growth. But to succeed in achieving these, long-term relationships of trust and mutual respect must be established between the communities that owned the land and mining companies. Local communities expect to gain jobs, local procurement and community projects such as capital and know-how, creating value from such resources. In addition, communities expect mining companies to make significant contribution to physical infrastructure surrounding the mines. Gold mines often need access roads, water pipelines and electricity grids. Hospitals and medical facilities to monitor the health and environmental aspects of the community and the surrounding area. Increasingly these are built with an eye to creating regional or community benefits rather than being solely focused on the mine.

In the case of MIDROC, the entire community that owned the land is totally neglected and maltreated; the Oromia region is ignored. The Saudi billionaire loves exploiting Oromia resources, but loathed the people who owned the land, and so shared none. Oromia suffered all the negative attributes associated with mining, but none of its benefits. No employment, no infrastructure development, no schools and no hospitals for communities. Not a single Oromo is employed as head of the 30 or so corporation at a CEO level; out of 40 million Oromo. The communities experience deforestation, lethally polluted lakes, toxic, acidic water, too many very sick people and animals with symptoms related to toxicity and pollution.

All the benefits went to his sponsors TPLF, and to his kin and kinfolks. The Saudi billionaire showers TPLF fascist clique with millions of dollars and with highest positions his corporations. Over the past decades, Al-Amoudi gave military and financial support to TPLF tyrants and fascists with the full knowledge and awareness that these group is committing human rights abuses against Oromo and others. Thus, Oromos should force the shutdown of MIDROC Gold from Oromia. Oromos should also boycott MIDROC other consumer products at grassroots and professional levels.

Our boycotts will have a very clear outcome and a moral premise.  We should also understand the power of boycott when used appropriately and targeted correctly. During the 80s, growing international horror at the injustices of apartheid prompted a proliferation of boycott campaigns. The anti-apartheid movement insistence that a consumer buying WHITE South African products such as wine was as culpable as a multinational investor. Such international ostracism had a powerful effect on the ruling government. The rest as we know is history. Oromos can achieve the same now.

MIDROC ETHIOPIA AND CORPORATE LEADERSHIP LIST

MIDROC ETHIOPIA LEADERSHIP

MIDROC CEO Management and Leadership Services is organized under the Office of the Chief Executive Officer of MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group and is led by a Deputy President. The company has three Management Leadership services namely Corporate Governance Service, Corporate Marketing & Business Development and Corporate Engineering, Quality & Technology Services and four operational leadership classifications where all the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group companies are categorized, Sub-Group A companies, Sub-Group B companies, Sub-Group C companies and Sub-Group D companies.

In order to facilitate an effective management of the company, the Management has placed different Policies and Procedures into practice.

MIDROC Gold Mine Management

 

ELFORA Agro-Industries Pvt. Ltd. Co. (ELFORA)

ELFORA Agro-Industries Pvt. Ltd. Co. member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group was established in 1997 to be a partner in the development of the Agro-Industries in Ethiopia. The Company operates in distinct sectors: Poultry, Abattoir and Agro-Processing, Farm and Real Estate Development Operations

Huda Real Estate Pvt. Ltd. Co. (HUDA)

Huda Real Estate Pvt. Ltd. Co. (HUDA), a member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group, is engaged in Land/Real Estate development activities, buying and/or construction of buildings for offices, commercial use or residential purposes and the like, pursuing construction and construction management activities.

Kombolcha Steel Products Industries Pvt. Ltd. Co. (KOSPI)

Kombolcha Steel Products Industries Pvt. Ltd. Co. (KOSPI), a member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group, was established in 1999 and is engaged in steel sheet shearing, ribbed sheet forming, corrugated sheet forming, wire drawing process, wire galvanization, batch galvanization, nail, shoe tack & wood screw manufacturing, steel pole fabrication (swaging process, continuous MIG welding, etc.) and steel structure fabrication and installation activities.

Modern Building Industries Pvt. Ltd. Co. (MBI)

Modern Building Industries Pvt. Ltd. Co. (MBI), a member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group, was established in 1995 and is engaged in the production and marketing of different types of paints, non metallic filler materials, concrete blocks and tiles, plastic floor tiles and glue products.

Trust Protection And Personnel Services Pvt. Ltd. Co. (TRUST)

Trust Protection and Personnel Services Pvt. Ltd. Co. (TRUST), a member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group, is engaged in providing protection and other professional as well as personnel services on contract basis. It also renders services related to customs clearing and forwarding services, as well as safety and modern alarm services for interested organizations. The company started its service activities with the aim of modernizing protection and personnel services within companies in Ethiopia, and giving employment opportunity to unemployed citizens.

Addis HOME DEPOT Pvt. Ltd. Co. (AHD)

addis HOME DEPOT Pvt. Ltd. Co. (aHD), a member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group, is the largest store for building and construction materials in Ethiopia. It is a one-stop-shop for all construction materials, finishing and decorative items, household appliances, electronics, hand tools, gardening equipment, etc., making it the first of its kind in the country.

Trans Nation Airways Pvt. Ltd. Co. (TNA)

Trans Nation Airways Pvt. Ltd. Co. (TNA), a member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group, is rendering the safest and most reliable Passenger & Cargo Air Transportation Services and Aerial Spray Services to its customers. TNA was established in April 2004, after receiving Air Operator Certificate (AOC) from Ethiopian Civil Aviation Authority and Business Operating Certificate from the Ministry of Trade.

Addis Gas And Plastics Factory Pvt. Ltd. Co. (AGP)

addis Gas and Plastics Factory Pvt. Ltd. Co. (aGP), a member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group, was established in July 2003 and is engaged in producing Gaseous Products and Plastic products, as well as providing testing and repairing of high pressure cylinder bottles and valves.

addis Gas supplies equipment such as High Pressure Cylinders and Fire fighting equipment and related parts. It also gives services of inspection and refilling fire extinguishers.

Wanza Furnishings Industries Pvt. Ltd. Co. (WANZA)

Wanza Furnishings Industries Pvt. Ltd. Co. (WANZA), a member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group, was established in July 2003 and is engaged in manufacturing of wooden furniture used in offices, home and industries.

Daylight Applied Technologies Pvt. Ltd. Co. (DAYLIGHT)

Daylight Applied Technologies Pvt. Ltd. Co. (DAYLIGHT), a member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group Companies, has introduced the first lamp factory in Ethiopia. DAYLIGHT was established in August 1994 and joined the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group Companies in April 2004 and currently the company is engaged in the production of glass bottles and glass related products, manufacturing of different crown corks, electro-mechanical installations and as cash register machine service provider.

Summit Engineered Plastics Pvt. Ltd. Co. (SEPCo)

Summit Engineered Plastics Pvt. Ltd. Co. (SEPCo), is a member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group, has become under the leadership of the Chief Executive Officer, MIDROC Ethiopia starting from March 2006. SEPCo is engaged in manufacturing and selling of plastic packaging products.

Blue Nile P.P & Craft Paper Bags Manufacturing Pvt. Ltd. Co. (BN)

Blue Nile P.P & Craft Paper Bags Manufacturing P.L.C (BN), member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group, , has come under the leadership of the Chief Executive Officer starting from September 11, 2006 and is engaged in the manufacturing & selling of P.P. and Poly Products in Ethiopia.

Rainbow Exclusive Car Rental And Tour Services Pvt. Ltd. Co. (RAINBOW)

Rainbow Exclusive Car Rental And Tour Services Pvt. Ltd. Co. (RAINBOW), a member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group, was established in 1999 and joined the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group in February 2007 and is engaged in car rental and tour services.

United Auto Maintenance Services Pvt. Ltd. Co. (UAM)

United Auto Maintenance Services Pvt. Ltd. Co. (UAM), a member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group, was established in May 2007 and engaged in Auto Maintenance Services and Selling of different type of spare parts of vehicles.

Unity University

Established in 1991, Unity language school was offering English, Arabic, French and Italian language courses. It started functioning with students not more than 50 and a few part-time teachers and administration personnel. Unity University is the first full-fledged privately owned institute of higher learning in Ethiopia with a status granted by the Ministry of Education. It has vision to be the beacon for advanced, modern, practical and useful education in the country.

Queen’s Supermarket Pvt. Ltd. Co.

Queen’s Supermarket P.L.C., a member of the MIDROC ETHIOPIA Technology Group deals with whole-selling and retailing of all kinds of other consumable products and provision of catering services at a large scale.

ADAGO-MIDROC Trading Pvt. Ltd. Co. (ADAGO)

ADAGO MIDROC Trading P.L.C., a member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group, is engaged in the import and wholesale distribution of merchandizes such as construction materials, hardware, plumbing and heating equipment & supplies, Iron and steel, furniture, home furnishings, household electronic items, crockery, cutlery & kitchen utensil, Office machines and equipment, Fast Moving Consumer Goods such as food products, edible oils, beverages, confectionery products, hygiene products, pharmaceuticals, paper and stationary, beauty care products.

Summit Partners P.L.C. (SUMMIT)

Summit Partners Pvt. Ltd. Co. is a member of the MIDROC Ethiopia Technology Group, and is under the leadership of the Chief Executive Officer, MIDROC Ethiopia. Summit Partner is engaged in plant, machinery equipment and Facility lease and rental as well as in the provision of skilled and professional manpower services.

SOURCE: MIDROC CORPORATION HOME PAGE

[i] Most of the data and information in this article are from MIDROC Ethiopia Home Page. You can access this page at the following link: http://www.midroc-ethiopia.com.et/index.html
[ii] http://www.midroc-ethiopia.com.et/md03_companies.html
[iii]http://www.worldbank.org/content/dam/Worldbank/Event/Africa/Ethiopia%20Extractive%20Industries%20Forum%202014/5a_MIDROC.pdf
[iv] William Davison of Bloomberg news on March 12, 2012
NOTE: Further reference can be provided upon request from the author. You can reach the author at: albasa1@verizon.net

Albasa Dagaga is a researcher and human rights activist, USA

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By Assegid Habtewold[1]

Americans are busy voting for Presidential candidates. Have you asked yourself the parameters they use to choose one candidate over the other? Not just in the US, in those countries where there is true democracy, people tend to vote for those candidates with whom they share key values. That is why the same candidate is loved by some and hated by other voters depending on his values. For instance, on February 2 2016, Fox News Channel reported, “According to entrance polling of Republican caucus-goers conducted by Fox News, Cruz won by garnering the support of evangelical Christians and those who wanted a candidate who shares their values.” The majority of voters, conscious or unconscious, rally for a candidate that shares their highly held values. And Caucus-goers weren’t exceptional.

The same news also observed, “Sanders overwhelmed Clinton among caucus-goers under 30, a group that he won 84 percent to 14 percent.” Similarly in New Hampshire, many polls showed that 85% of young people under 30 voted for Sanders. Why do you think Bernie overwhelmed Hilary in that age group? Do you remember the Occupy Wall Street movement in the late 2011? I still picture in my mind those youngsters wearing the “99%” t-shirts occupying the Zuccotti park in New York City, Wall Street financial district, to protest the economic inequality in the US. When they were cleared from the park, they moved to occupy major banks, corporate HQs, and college and university campuses. The initial key players of that group were young guys in their 20’s. Of course, later, these youngsters inspired older people to join the movement. The dominant value that attracted and bonded the group together was fairness. The movement, slowly but surely, died because of so many reasons, one of which was leadership gap. Now, it seems that those young guys who felt their cause was crushed found Sanders who has been a unique candidate that positioned himself as a fighter against the one percent billionaires and bankers. I’m not here to talk about US politics or to predict who is going to win. We’re at the early stage of this year’s Presidential election. We don’t know who is going to win in November. Whoever wins, however, it is because enough Americans share him/her values.

Unfortunately, we Ethiopians have never been lucky to elect our own leaders. They were imposed on us. Haileselassie claimed that God anointed him; Mengistu reasoned that the revolution called upon him to lead; and Meles took upon himself to assume a righteous judge position to bring ethnic equality. It’s true; we cannot have the opportunity Americans have right now, any time soon. We’re under tyranny. However, we shouldn’t wait until we are free to pay closer attention to the kinds of leaders we need now, during the transition, and post TPLF Ethiopia.

What so ever anger, frustration, and emotion run high among our people, removing TPLF and bringing democracy, justice, and the rule of law demands extraordinary leaders from top to bottom. Facilitating a smooth transition from apartheid style leadership to a more democratic and inclusive leadership demands smart, far-sighted, and wise decision makers. Having a comprehensive constitution, meticulously crafted development programs, state of the art technologies, highly trained human capital, and rich natural resources cannot transfer our nation in a million years from where she is now to where we all aspire to take her during post TPLF era. The glue to these all, and the catalysts that can lead us from bondage to our ‘Canaan’ are farsighted, visionary, and competent leaders, not just any kinds of leaders, value-based leaders. I’m fully aware that we cannot exercise our right to choose values-based leaders back home. But those of us in the Diaspora, we have the freedom to start practicing this important approach beginning now.

First, let’s talk about the three foremost parameters that we’ve been using to choose our leaders: a) Identity, b) Qualification, and c) Likeability. I found it common in our diaspora politics for many people choosing and supporting their leaders based on their identities such as their ethnicity, gender, and religious affiliation. In my view, these are flawed parameters. Yes, it’s tempting to favor a leader with whom we share the same ethnic (geographic) identity- a leader who demonstrates loyalty to our particular ethnic group, region, and religion. But Ethiopia is a diverse nation. We need leaders who embrace diversity and value inclusiveness, not just loyal to one ethnic group or region or religion.

It’s also alluring to take side with a leader with whom we share similar gender. That was what the former US Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, just did recently when she declared: “There is a special place in hell for women who don’t help other women.” As you might have already heard, her effort to take away women supporters from Bernie Sanders’ campaign backfired.

Likewise, we Ethiopians have an extreme bias when it comes to educated people. There is a well know saying in Amharic “Yetemare Yegdelegn”. Its English equivalence is “I’m okay if a learned kills me”. We all know that this is a flawed saying. Terminal degrees, masters, and professional degrees cannot make someone a leader. By now, the majority of TPLF leaders have all kinds of purchased degrees. They understood the prejudice that exists in our culture, and thought that they can mask their leadership incompetency using some fake qualifications.

Likeability is a globally admired trait. The heroism, charm, and/or down to earth humility of some likeable persons attract almost all of us. Many of these personalities are skillful to make us feel important, respected, and loved. This in turn entices many of us to put them in charge. Haile Gebreselasie knows that he is likeable because of his sport heroism. Haile expressed his interest to run for a higher office so many times, I presume, solely based on his likeability. Will he succeed when he runs for office? Will enough people vote for him because they like him? We’ll see. The small number of friends that I’ve talked so far disagreed. They argued that Haile doesn’t seriously value freedom and democracy. He never spoke against so many brutalities committed by the regime in Addis against unarmed demonstrators. Quoting his recent interview where he undermined the importance of democracy in countries like ours, they doubted whether Ethiopians are in desperate need of a sport hero to lead them. One of them was fair when he predicted: Maybe some years from now, once we have democracy, justice, and the rule of law in place, merely likeable individuals like Haile may get elected. Right now and until we reach that dream state, we need leaders who have more than just charm and friendliness.

Don’t misunderstand me. It’s great if our leaders are educated and likeable. Nonetheless, these parameters should not be used alone. What we Ethiopians need, in my humble opinion and considering the intrinsic distrust we harbor against leaders, and the amount of challenges that we face, we need value-based leaders. Below are the three values that I propose we should employ to select and back our leaders. This is just a proposal. Otherwise, we may subtract, or add some more to create shared values. Hope, we’ll have opportune times to do so in the near future.

1. Integrity. What we need is leaders whose words mean something. Leaders who are ready to die in order to keep their promises. The White South African Minority regime trusted Mandela to lead a smooth transition because they found him, for decades, as a man of his words. They risked it all, released him from prison, and ‘put him in charge’ since he was a man of integrity. Here’re some of the questions we should ask as we choose our leaders: Can we predict this leader? Can she deliver what she promises? Does he walk the talk? And more…

2. Excellence. Integrity without the quest for excellence is toothless. Why we need a leader who says what he means unless he delivers it with excellence? I’m not saying we need perfectionists. Excellence can be achieved only through continuous learning. We need leaders who read, study, and grow on a consistent basis to perform their duties and deliver what they promise with excellence. He used his underground moments to grow. When he was given an assignment for which he didn’t have the knowledge or experience, he studied and also asked those who knew. For example, when he was assigned to form and lead the military wing of ANC, he started the duty by reading, consulting experts, and by reading lots of books. He also reviewed some case studies on guerilla fight from Cuba to Algeria to Ethiopia. Mandela also read and reflected a lot while in prison that contributed to his success in statesmanship.

3. Service. What is the motive for a leader to seek leadership? To serve or served? So far, many of our leaders sought leadership to be served and exploit. What we need is leaders with servant heart, who believe that servicing others is their calling. We need leaders who walk away when their term is over. We need leaders who have talent, career, or business to turn to when they are done leading us. Not those who most probably cling to power till they retire or die.

In conclusion, we need values-based leadership. But that doesn’t mean we need to look for perfect and flawless leaders. That cannot happen; no one is perfect. It should be enough if they’ve decent values for which they’re committed. As we choose and support our leaders, let’s pay closer attention more to their values than their identity, qualification, and likeability. We should be enlightened followers with clear parameters on how we choose our leaders. When our leaders know that we have expectations like that and values-based leadership matters to us, they change and do their homework.

[1] Dr. Assegid Habtewold is a leadership expert at Success Pathways, LLC. Assegid can be reached at ahabtewold@yahoo.com

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Minga Negash, Professor

On February 23, 2016 in a televised interview Prime Minister Haile Mariam Dessalegn announced that the three month long public uprising is accompanied by an armed insurrection. Ironically what the Prime Minister described is the same route that put his regime to power 25 years ago. The Government unsays what it says almost every week and hence one has to wait for the next turn of events. What is clear is that the cost of changing government in present day Ethiopia has become astronomical. University and high school students die and get imprisoned, and peasants get involved in a sustained protest and yet the ruling party claims a 100% win of the seats of the parliament. Evidently the nature of the political question is different.  It is no longer about land dispossessions and the Addis Ababa Master Plan. The message of the students is laude and clear. What they are saying is in both theory and practice a 100% win is unachievable in fairly contested election, and hence the TPLF/EPRDF is illegitimate and therefore it must be civilized and vacate public office.  Interestingly the protest is anchored in the Oromo youth which the rulers claim to have “liberated”.

Commentary after commentary has been outlining the pros and cons of ethnic based movements, forms of future decentralization, and whether other ethnic groups should join the protests. What has been lacking was the understanding of the behavior of the protesters. The only commentary that attempted to understand the behavior of the protesters is the one by Professor Seid Hassan. Using the theory of state capture and the resultant ownership structure, Professor Seid explained the rationalization for vandalism, a phenomenon that is often observed in most civil disobedience activities. Taking cue from the behaviors of decolonization movements, taking away the properties of colonialists or vandalizing them was perceived to be a manifestation of patriotism. In other words protesters find it rational to vandalize an asset that is not their own or when they perceive that they do not benefit from its existence, or feel that it is ill gotten wealth.

Other commentators, such as, for example, Professor Daniel Teferra  and Professor Worku Aberra express their fears about ethnic movements. The release of a chilling account of human rights violations against the Amara ethnic group by Moresh must have an added impact to the entrenchment of the fear. In yet another commentary Professor Messay Kebede argued that it is rational for other ethnic groups, more notably for the second largest ethnic group (Amara) to join the ongoing Oromo protest. In this brief note, I remind commentators and readers about differences in perspectives for the understanding of social and political organizations and social behavior.

.

First thing is first. Those who fear ethnic based movements often emphasize on the negative sides of identity politics. Ethnic, tribal, clan and faith based conflicts are serious and obviously destructive. We see it every day. On the other hand they are also instruments of decolonization and liberation. This line of argument however is old and provides no new insight in resolving the current crisis. In one of my older commentaries, entitled the “Dual faces of ethnic nationalism in Ethiopia” (Ethiopian Register Volume 5, No. 2 1998), I shared those worries. Unfortunately the series of elections have gone from bad to worse, and have not served as remedies for the down sides of identity politics. In 2005 the regime got away with murder. It killed hundreds of protesters and imprisoned tens of thousands including elected parliamentarians. Ten years after the last election crisis the regime surprised the international community as it “improved” its 99% win to 100%. Four months after the formation of the new cabinet, in November 2015, the protests started.

According to human rights organizations over 200 people were killed in the Oromo inhabited areas of the country. Outmigration has reached crisis level (http://www.ethiomedia.com/14store/5375.html) and the country is facing yet another drought and famine where about 18 million people are either in social safety nets or requiring urgent international food assistance. What has not yet got the attention of the media is the mountain of domestic and international debt and the foreign currency crisis because of the sharp fall in commodity prices. In short the odds have gathered for a perfect storm, and Ethiopians must brace themselves for another cycle of crisis as the TPLF/EPRDF is finding the country ungovernable and its own institutional structure is unable to resolve the situation. The fact that the crisis is widespread in Oromo inhabited areas is however no surprise as the region is large in both in its geographical area and its population size. Thus understanding the behavior of the current protest, using better  perspectives, as Professor Seid has attempted, is important.

Those who fear the exclusionist character of ethnic and faith based movements, perhaps inadvertently, advance a rather utopian paradigm that underpins most individual rights based arguments, and more specifically theories that are meant to explain the workings of markets. They forget that groups show irrationality and herd behavior during times of crisis even in individualistic societies. For most economists human action gets organized when the individual is induced with reward or faces penalty, evidently under an ethical setting and without duress. For this line of thinking group/social behavior is simply the sum of individual behaviors and much of this line of thought is also observed in Bruno Latour’s actor network theory of social science. In other words heterogeneity in self (in the individual), and in groups are not adequately explained under the conventional paradigm of rationality. In this perspective heterogeneity is often interpreted as an anomaly or an irrational behavior or worse a disturbance term in the models.

Evidently the above thought perspective is not shared by institutionalists, organization theorists and critical social scientists. For instance sociologists routinely classify societies. For Bauman, to classify is to set apart, it is to examine whether adjacent entities are similar or opposed to one another. It is a method of finding the world a structure. Hence, social groups and organizations (including clubs, societies and political associations) can be classified based on any of the demographic characteristics, and by the type of political program that they use to play the power game. In other words, political organizations can be seen as an outcome of the institutionalization of group behavior, and the instrument they create for achieving desired outcomes. Hence, ethnic based movements too have rationale of their own, and may be created for advancing specific interests or serve as a response to collectively perceived or actual grievance(s) or threat to the group. In this respect Ethiopia’s ethnic based movements are not unique.

Group behavior can be both similar and dissimilar. We observe this line up in the Ethiopian political landscape. Reading the first paragraphs of new and old political groupings quickly reveals the divide. Attempts to bring together the advocates of individual rights and advocates of group rights have not been easy as the participants of the discourse attempt to win over the other, and often forget power games and the problems of trust. Heterogeneity in group behavior leads to conflict when one or more of the players elect to play a zero sum game and/or spoil the rules of the game or cheats in the game. Hence the discourse between Ethiopian scholars on both sides of the divide must change, and try to understand social-political games and understand that Ethiopian ethnic movements are not just mimicking the rationality of other ethnic movements. Understanding the changing institutional logics (rationalization) of organizations (including political and other forms of organizations) across institutional orders, as indicated in the works of Patricia Thorton is thus important. Added to this insight is trying to understand the dynamics of power in the creation of “mono ethnic” states in a region as complex as the Horn of Africa. Understanding the Oromo and other collective political behavior through a magnifying lens thus provides a better route rather than relying on a worn out theory and focusing on listing the downsides of ethnic movements.

Finally, Ethiopian scholars need to add empirical content to the ideology they are advocating for. The last few decades have created new cultural walls between ethnic groups and the stakes have increasingly become high. Hence, crossing the fault lines could be more difficult than what most people would imagine. In other words the already collectivist culture has become even more opaque, and the longer this continues, the walls become even bigger. The capture of the Ethiopian state by singular cultural group, has been untenable and sooner or later minority rule has to give way for a more representative and decentralized form of governance. Hence, unity cannot be achieved overnight before the storm subsides, or simply by detesting ethnicity or detesting those whose political platform is ethnicity. When the fear, rational or not, is addressed and mechanisms are put in place so that autocrats and organized groups do not gang up to suppress majorities,  then one may be able to begin sensing the institutional logic of ethnic based movements. The legacy of the injury sustained by the Oromo youth, crushed or not as the Prime Minister vows is here to stay, and will sadly remain a wound in the annals of the history of this age old nation. The task of critical social scholarship is searching for healing medicines that also breaks fear as fear in this case is a social construct.

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ESAT Daily News Amsterdam February 23, 2016

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‪#‎OromoProtests‬ happening now in Gadullo, West Hararge Feb 24, 2016

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To Permanent Representatives of
Members and Observer States of the
UN Human Rights Council
Geneva, 24 February 2016

 RE: Addressing restrictions on freedom of assembly and civil society in Ethiopia

Your Excellency,

The undersigned civil society organizations (CSOs) write to express our serious concerns about the Ethiopian Government’s grave restrictions on fundamental human rights, exemplified by the recent crackdown on largely peaceful protests in the Oromia region. As the UN Human Rights Council (UN HRC) prepares to release its landmarkrecommendations for the proper management of assemblies, we urge your delegation to address the rapidly deteriorating environment for independent dissent and violations of the right to freedom of assembly in Ethiopia at the upcoming 31st UN HRC Session.

Since December 2015, Ethiopian security forces have routinely used excessive and unnecessary lethal force to disperse and suppress peaceful protests in the Oromia region. The protesters, who have been advocating against the dispossession of land without adequate compensation under the government’s Integrated Development Master Plan, have been subjected to widespread rights violations. According to international and national human rights groups, at least 150 demonstrators, including scores of children and university students, have been killed during the protests. It is also widely reported that hundreds of people have suffered bullet wounds and beatings by the police and military.

The authorities have also arbitrarily arrested thousands of people throughout Oromia for participating in or supporting the protests. Many of those detained are being held without charge and without access to family members or legal representation. Numerous human rights activists, journalists and opposition political party leaders and supporters have been arbitrarily arrested and detained in Oromia. Among those arrested and still in detention are Bekele Gerba (Deputy Chair, Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC)), Dejene Tufa (Deputy General Secretary, OFC), Getachew Shiferaw (Editor-in-Chief of the online newspaper Negere Ethiopia), Yonathan Teressa (a human rights defender) and Fikadu Mirkana (reporter with the state-owned Oromia Radio and TV).

The government also continues to misuse the abusive 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation to silence independent reporting and support of the protest movement. Specifically, on January 22, 2016, opposition leader Bekele Gerba and 21 other individuals were arraigned at the Federal First Instance Court, Arada Branch, which granted the prosecutor’s request for 28 days remand to police custody under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation.

Moreover, weeks earlier, on December 15, 2015, the government publically described the protesters as “an organised and armed terrorist force” in a cynical and disturbing attempt to conflate their legitimate exercise of fundamental civil liberties with acts of terrorism. We remain deeply concerned that this description of the mostly peaceful protesters has also contributed to greater use of excessive force by security personnel.

Prominent human rights experts and groups, including the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, have repeatedly condemned the deliberate misuse of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation’s overbroad and vague provisions to target journalists and activists. The law permits up to four months of pre-trial detention and prescribes draconian prison sentences for a wide range of activities protected under international human rights law. Dozens of  human rights defenders as well as journalists, bloggers, peaceful demonstrators and opposition party members have been subjected to harassment and politically motivated prosecution under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, making Ethiopia one of the leading jailers of journalists in the world.

There are no effective avenues to pursue accountability for abuses given the lack of independence of the judiciary and legislative constraints. During the May 2015 General Elections, the ruling EPRDF party won all 547 seats in the Ethiopian Parliament. In addition, domestic civil society organizations are severely hindered by one of the most restrictive NGO laws in the world. Specifically, under the 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation, the vast majority of Ethiopian organizations have been forced to stop working on human rights and governance issues, a matter of great concern that has been repeatedly raised including at Ethiopia’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR).

This restrictive environment means that there are few avenues available for accountability and independent dissent in the country. It is essential that the UN Human Rights Council takes a strong position urging the Ethiopian Government to immediately end its systematic campaign to suppress peaceful protests and legitimate human rights activism.

Amid a growing chorus of concern, a number of intergovernmental bodies, including theEuropean Parliament, have called on the Ethiopian government to immediately cease its political intimidation and persecution of peaceful protesters and human rights defenders. Recently, on 21 January, four UN Special Rapporteurs and the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances issued a joint statement condemning the ongoing crackdown and further called on the Ethiopian Government to “immediately release protesters who seem to have been arrested for exercising their rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and expression, to reveal the whereabouts of those reportedly disappeared and to carry out an independent, transparent investigation into the security forces’ response to the protest.”

During the upcoming 31st session of the Human Rights Council, we urge your delegation to make joint or individual statements (for example during the high-level segment, in interactive dialogue with the High Commissioner, and under other relevant agenda items), reinforcing and building upon the concerns of these and other international bodies.

Specifically, we respectfully request your delegation to press Ethiopia to:

1. immediately cease the use of excessive and unnecessary lethal force by security forces against protesters in Oromia Region of Ethiopia and elsewhere in Ethiopia;
2. immediately and unconditionally release journalists, human rights defenders, political opposition leaders and members as well as protesters arbitrarily detained during and in the aftermath of the protests;
3. urgently establish a thorough, independent, impartial and transparent investigation into all of the deaths resulting from alleged excessive use of force by the security forces, and other violations of human rights in the context of the protests;
4. ensure that those responsible for human rights violations are prosecuted in proceedings which comply with international law and standards on fair trial and without resort to the death penalty;
5. and fully comply with its international legal obligations and commitments including under the, ICCPR, African Charter and its own Constitution.

Sincerely,

Article 19

Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE)

CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation

Civil Rights Defenders

Defend Defenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Right Defenders Project)

Ethiopia Human Rights Project (EHRP)

Front Line Defenders

Human Rights Watch

International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)

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By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

February 20, 2016 (ADDIS ABABA) – A group of Eritrean armed men allegedly carried out mass kidnappings from a region in North Ethiopia bordering the tiny Red Sea nation.

Eritrea, which borders Sudan and Ethiopia, has been dubbed the North Korea of Africa (HRW)

Multiple sources toldSudan TribuneSaturday that a group of armed men allegedly dressed in Eritrean army uniforms crossed borders to Ethiopia and forcibly kidnapped over 80 young Ethiopian miners who were mining gold in Tigray regional state

The kidnapping were carried out earlier this month at Kafta-Humera district in Tsirga Girmai locality.

The abducted were among the estimated 400 traditional gold miners who had long been engaged in traditional gold mining activities near the Ethiopia – Eritrea shared border.

When contacted by phone, Hagos Tesfamichael, a gold miner himself, told Sudan Tribune that the gunmen whose numbers were yet to be verified surrounded a group of gold mining workers and threatened to open fire against them if they attempts to escape.

Tesfamichael said he had seen the helpless miners forced to cross the Eritrean territory via Mereb River at gunpoint.

Once they reached at Mereb River in to the Eritrean side, said Tesfamichael, some of the miners considered escaping, but were immediately shot dead.

As a result one was shot dead immediately while many others were wounded, he said.

No group has claimed responsibility for the attack, the first since 2012, when Eritrean soldiers similarly crossed borders to Ethiopia and kidnapped over 100 miners in the region.

The armed men are said to have been speaking Eritrean Tigrigna and are believed to be members of the Eritrean Army or a group allied with the regime in Asmara.

Ethiopia has routinely accused Eritrea of orchestrating a number of cross-border attacks and mass kidnapping using Ethiopian rebels it harbors, an accusation Asmara denies.

Ethiopian officials’ weren’t immediately available for comments over the alleged attacks carried out on its soil.

The Horn of Africa’s nation has previously carried out attacks on targets inside Eritrea to what Addis Ababa says is a proportional measures to Eritrea’s continued aggression including to cross-border kidnappings targeting foreign tourists.

In 1998, the two neighbors fought a two-year long war over their disputed border which has claimed the lives of at least 70,000. The row over their border remains unresolved and forces of both sides regularly engage in lower-scale skirmishes.

(ST) 

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25 FEB 2016 / AFP

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25/02/2016

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Logically, one would hope that the Oromo uprising and the undeniable general discontent and frustration in the country call for a serious movement toward a reformist dissent within the TPLF and perhaps the army. In whichever way the present situation is analyzed, it cannot avoid the conclusion that the path so far followed is an impasse and that a change of course is a must. In case some TPLFites are confused about the situation, I remind them that the new occurrence is that the Oromo people have finally overcome their fear. History repeatedly shows that people who have defeated fear cannot be stopped, with the added fact that the recovery of courage is a contagious phenomenon. Such a movement can be temporarily blocked, but it cannot be crushed.

I am not talking about reform because I hope that the TPLF can become democratic and more committed to a policy that protects the interests of Ethiopia and its peoples. That ship has sailed a long time ago. Rather, I expect the TPLF to think of its own interests in a consistently selfish manner, which selfishness points out that the best bet in the mounting uncertainties is to admit, albeit reluctantly, the necessity of reform.

Reason advises the following: lose absolute power to keep some of it! Indeed, the situation contains two choices and two choices only. Either you think that you can protect your interests by pursuing the path of absolute power and repression and run the risk of losing everything by generating a situation of generalized uprising, itself made inevitable by the refusal to concede anything, or you make concessions aimed at sharing power, and you compensate your loss with security and assurance that your interests will be protected. In other words, lose a bit to safeguard what is important, or keep the exclusive control of power and face the danger of losing everything.

Again, be voraciously avid, think only of your interests, and the logic of greed will show you the right way, that is, the way that has a future and provides guarantee. By contrast, the ill option of blind bravado and repression inspired by arrogance and short-sightedness is actually a disguised fear that can only lead to a lose-lose situation for everybody. Make no mistake about it: nobody will win by triggering a civil war in Ethiopia. What awaits us all is a situation comparable to Syria or Libya. Your stubbornness does no more than activate all the ingredients of terrible conflicts that favor nobody.

I understand that some members of the ruling political class are quite aware of the severe shortcomings and dangers of their present policy. That is why we hear them talk here and there of the need for good governance. Unfortunately, to frame the problem in this term is to engage in the path of illusion and postponement. There is no good governance without power sharing and accountability. What you need is not some administrative measures; what you need is political reforms, for the latter are necessary even to apply administrative decisions. And by power sharing I means nothing but the formation of a transitional government representative of all political parties whose main working motto would be the forging of concessions necessary to move forward.

A piece of history lesson: as a rule, history shows that successful and lasting social changes have been initiated and implemented by elites with reformist agendas. The prospect of losing power as a result of a social uprising, guerrilla insurgencies, or war against a more powerful country has led them to see in reforms the best way to stay in power and protect their interests. The other related positive outcome was that their decision to reform avoided wrecking their societies by radical measures and favored a progressive, step by step advancement.

Opposed to this progressive course are movements led by disgruntled and aspiring elites, usually called revolutions, and whose main characteristic is that societies must be put upside down for these elites to find a new legitimacy and model their county in accordance with their sectarian interests. Unsurprisingly, such movements end in dictatorial and often partisan rule, by which alone societies can be made conformable to exclusive elites. While established ruling elites reform societies by opening up and welcoming new strata of people, revolutionary elites have to exclude and close up in order to establish their power. In other words, while the one moves toward the opening of the system to receive newcomers, the other is the newcomer that has to exclude to establish itself.

Ethiopia is the perfect illustration of the destructive process cause by new comers. Because Haile Selassie’s regime was totally unresponsive to repeated calls for reforms, it was wiped out by a revolutionary movement that ended by instituting the dictatorial rule of a military elite inspired by the sectarian ideology of Leninism. Its own reluctance to reform in the face of military defeats and economic failures strengthened guerrilla insurgencies that resulted in its overthrow. Unsurprisingly, instead of following the path of reform by opening the power system, the new comers closed it even more through an ethnic system of selection favoring a policy of divide-and-rule, by which alone the narrow elite claiming to represent Tigrean interests could have the exclusive control of power.

Both the Oromo uprising and the deep discontent of the country clearly demonstrate the failure of the sectarian system established by the TPLF. The moment of decision has come: is the TPLF committed to making the same mistake as Haile Selassie and Mengistu Haile Mariam or will it finally realize that the system is untenable and that reforms are, willy-nilly, necessary for its own survival?  Of course, it is never expected that all those who are influential in the decision-making of the TPLF will admit the necessity of reform. Rather, the question is whether those who are aware of the need can prevail over the conservatives.

I admit my pessimism, but with a touch of uncertainty inspired by the long and almost miraculous survival of Ethiopia against all odds, in particular by its power to resurrect each time it faces existential threat. Indeed, nothing applies better to Ethiopia than what the poet Holderlin said: “Where the danger grows, there also grows the power of salvation.” To give some examples from recent history, when the Era of the Princes threatened the very existence of Ethiopia, there rose Tewodros; when colonialism encircled and threated to draw Ethiopia into the scramble for Africa, there rose Yohannes and Menelik. Will the endurance continue so that it will be said when ethnic exclusion threatened, there rose . . . ?

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Government approved immigration proposal, but failed to provide a budget to carry it out

BY JTA February 25, 2016

A Plan to bring to Israel some 9,000 Ethiopians who claim Jewish descent has been put on hold after no money was budgeted for it.

The director-general of the Prime Minister’s Office, Eli Groner, sent an email to the team in charge of the plan’s implementation saying the airlift of the remaining Ethiopians, or Falashmura, will be suspended until the nearly $1 billion required to fund it is allocated, Ynet reported. The email said the government approved the plan without allocating a budget.

The Knesset unanimouslyapproved the plan in November following a public campaign launched by the Ethiopian community in Israel and volunteer organizations.

Falashmura are Ethiopians who claim links to descendants of Jews who converted to Christianity generations ago but now seek to return to Judaism and immigrate to Israel. Their permanent entry into Israel will be dependent on completing the conversion process.

About 135,000 Jews of Ethiopian descent are living in Israel. Tens of thousands of Ethiopian Jews were airlifted to Israel during Operation Moses in 1984 and Operation Solomon in 1992.

Israel announced in August 2013 that it had brought the last of the eligible Falashmura to the country.http://www.timesofisrael.com

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Pt 1

Pt 2

Part 3

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Aid officials say international donors have been distracted by crises in Syria and other parts of the world

Members of a community in Chelko, Ethiopia, wait to receive their rationing of food supplies, which could include wheat, oil and split peas. Due to food shortages, rationing and distribution can often be based on a regional rotation.

There has also been a concerted effort in cooperation with international aid agencies to create safety nets to ensure that the kind of famine that inspired the 1985 Live Aid concert would never happen again.

Drought conditions in Ethiopia March to Sept. 2015

ETHIOPIA

Sources: Famine Early Warning

Systems Network, USGS

LAZARO GAMIO / THE WASHINGTON POST

These days, early warning systems alert the government when famine threatens, and in 2015, these kicked into action after the spring and summer rains failed, leaving herders trapped in desert pastures and farmers with extensive crop failures across the north and east of the country.

The drought is caused in part by the El Niño warming phenomenon over the Pacific Ocean, a cyclical phenomenon that many scientists say has intensified in recent years because of global climate change. It has disrupted rains in different parts of the continent, with South Africa and Zimbabwe experiencing drought as well.

At first, some in the Ethio­pian government claimed the country could handle the drought itself. But as the numbers of needy skyrocketed, authorities issued an appeal.

In December, they said about 10.2 million people were in need of $1.4 billion in aid, with 400,000 children severely malnourished. This is in addition to 8 million people supported by the government safety net even before the drought. To date, 46 percent of the appeal has been met, and the worst could be yet to come.

Aside from fetching firewood for cooking, women are also responsible for fetching water for drinking and cooking. With limited water supply, women dig holes across the bare land in hopes of reaching the water table. The daily chore can take several hours and often yields murky water.

“I remember 1984, people would migrate or just die,” said Mohammed Abdullah, a haggard farmer in his 40s in a village in the highlands of East Hararghe, about 300 miles east of the capital. Normally, villagers would be harvesting corn and sorghum now, but the terraced hillsides were largely empty. “This time, the government response is on time and coming before people leave.”

He shuddered, though, when asked what would happen if the handouts stopped, as may happen if an additional $700 million in funding is not secured. “If there was no support and the rains don’t come, people will start dying.”

Abdullah said that although the food aid was not enough, the villagers were surviving by sharing what they received.

“Now we are begging for rain,” said Raimah Sayyed, 70, as she cuddled her half-naked grandchild and absently tore leaves off a nearby bush and chewed on them. “If the rain comes, everything will be okay.”

Local officials say that the need is actually larger than the handouts and, in some cases, villagers are getting the food rations every other month to stretch supplies.

Meskey Mohammed prepares breakfast for her 2-year-old at home in Geramam. Many in the small community survive by trading what they have, while others buy supplies on credit or sell their remaining cattle.

‘All we need are the resources’

In contrast to past droughts, the government has spent heavily of its own money to stave off famine, putting down $381 million since the summer, which Mitiku Kassa, the head of the Disaster Prevention and Preparedness Committee, points out was practically the entire government budget 20 years ago.

It is not enough, however, and in January, a roundtable with the United Nations, the U.S. Agency for International Development and other donors was held to call for more funds.

Aid agencies have singled out the United States as the most responsive country, with $532 million spent on humanitarian aid since October 2014, including $97 million in aid announced in January.

Kassa said there are signs the world is waking up to the severity of the situation.

“It was so slow because of the prior engagement of the donor partners, especially in the Middle East with the Syrian immigrants to Europe,” he said, adding that “the scale of the drought is far bigger than the drought we confronted in 1984.”

John Graham, the country director of Save the Children for Ethiopia and a 19-year veteran of aid work in the country, said this is the worst international response to a drought that he has seen.

“We have got a really, really bad drought, but we can head off the consequences. All we need are the resources,” he said. “We don’t have to wait six months from now to see hungry babies on television screens.”

To address the shortage of drinking water, the government rents distribution trucks to provide water to various remote areas in the Oromia region. Three times a week, the truck dispenses water by digging a hole in the ground, placing a plastic covering and creating a small pond for residents to fill their containers. | A man carries his portion of rationing of wheat for his family. Each day, about 900 households are provided wheat, oil and split peas for a month to support their food needs.

The suffering may be evident sooner than that, according to the World Food Program (WFP), one of the major providers of the food rations being handed out to patiently waiting people at centers across the country.

The agency estimates that unless new money comes in by the end of February, those centers will stop providing the monthly ration by May, and at that point the real disaster will occur.

“Because in May, if we run out of food, we start having a pretty immediate spike in severe malnutrition,” said John Aylieff, WFP country director, referring to the swollen bellies and listless children long associated with droughts. “We have a chance to stop this — we have a chance to keep Ethiopia on its development trajectory — but the window we have to work with is very small.”

“There was no rain, no pastures. The ground became like sand,” recalled Asha Abdelahi at the Aydora camp in the middle of a flat, scrub-filled desert, describing how her herd of 200 sheep and goats has been reduced to just five. “The animals started dying, so I carried my children here.”

“Here” is a collection of small buildings, a children’s clinic and a school under a grove of acacia trees more than 60 miles from the nearest city. It is home to more than 8,000 people. An estimated 100,000 people have been displaced by the drought since the summer.

For now, the children are filled with energy, badgering visiting reporters before getting shooed away by stick-wielding elders. But it is a precarious life, and should the trucks carrying the sacks of grain be interrupted, it could rapidly deteriorate.

Each morning, Meskey Mohammed, 25, herds her goats up a rugged mountain within walking distance of her home in Geramam. Since the drought began, she has lost 15 goats and is surviving through her husband, who is working as a laborer in a nearby town. A recipient of the Mercy Corps voucher program, she is able to keep her cattle alive due to the proximity of the remaining grazing land in her area.

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By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

February 25, 2016 (ADDIS ABABA) – Ethiopia on Thursday threatened to take actions against neighbouring Eritrea over what Addis Ababa said was in response to latest aggression by president Issayas Afeworki-led regime in Asmara.

Eritrea, which borders Sudan and Ethiopia, has been dubbed the North Korea of Africa (HRW)

At a press conference held in the capital, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s communication minister, Getachew Reda, said Eritrea has continued to deploy armed groups and bandits as part of its long standing position to destabilise his country.

The minister was refereeing to the latest cross-border mass kidnappings carried out by armed Eritrean men in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region bordering Eritrea.

Recently, a group of armed men dressed in the Eritrean army uniforms crossed borders to Ethiopia and forcibly kidnapped over 80 young Ethiopian miners who were mining gold in Tigray regional state at Kafta-Humera district in Tsirga Girmai locality.

The abducted were among some 400 traditional gold miners who had long been engaged in traditional gold mining activities near the Ethiopia – Eritrea shared border.

While confirming the incident Getachew however downplayed it saying “it wasn’t a big surprise” coming from a sworn enemy.

“I wouldn’t be surprised if a same thing happened because it happens once in a while and because the borders are very porous and it is not like you can guard every inch of the border every minute of the day” he said.

He added all bandits and armed groups are being deployed to Ethiopia by Eritrea using some Ethiopian rebels or other armed groups the Red Sea nation harbors.

With regard to the latest cross-border attacks and mass kidnappings the senior government official said the Ethiopian government is following the incident closely and will take retaliatory actions.

Considering the level of the aggression “We have been taking proportionate measures in the past and we will take proportionate measures” this time Getachew told reporters.

The minister however refrained to reveal the type and level of those proportionate actions he said will be taken in response.

Ethiopia has routinely accused arch-rival Eritrea of orchestrating a number of cross-border attacks carried out in its soil, an accusation Asmara denies.

The Horn of African nation had previously carried out attacks on targets inside Eritrea to what Addis Ababa says is a proportional measures to Eritrea’s continued aggression including to cross-border kidnappings targeting foreign tourists.

In 1998, the two neighbors fought a two-year long war over their disputed border which has claimed the lives of at least 70,000. The row over their border remains unresolved and forces of both sides regularly engage in lower-scale skirmishes.

(ST)

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