U.S and U.K. issue warning to their citizens planning travel in  Ethiopia

Time was tourists flocked to Ethiopia in search of the “Land of 13-Months of Sunshine” and adventure. Ziggy Marley, son of the late great reggae king Bob Marley, even wrote a song about it:

13 Months of Sunshine/Is what we got/Take us to, take us to, take us to that land/Who shall ascend the hill/Stand in that holy place/Lift up your heads/

O ancient gates/13 Months of Sunshine/Is what she got/Forward to , Forward to , Forward to that land/Where the water run (free)/We want to be

In 2017, the song heard from the U.S. of A and the U.K. is, “Get away, begone from that Land!”

For the past quarter of a century, Ethiopia has become “Land of 13-Months of Darkness” under the corrupt tyrannical rule of the Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (T-TPLF). Some 400 thousand Ethiopians have fled to Saudi Arabia alone, the vast majority are “undocumented”. Millions of others scattered throughout the world. Ethiopians are leaving their country by sea, land and air to escape oppression, injustice, brutality, abuse, persecution and the indignity of second class citizenship under T-TPLF rule. They cry out, “Take us out of the Land of 13-Months of Darkness because we can’t breathe with T-TPLF boots on our necks”.

Now the Governments of the U.S. and U.K. are advising their citizens, in no uncertain terms but with diplomatic delicacy, “Avoid Ethiopia like the plague! If you travel to  Ethiopia and get in a jam, and the likelihood of getting jammed is high, you are on your own. Don’t call us because you can’t. Normal communications are shut down. We can’t help you.”

On June 13, the U.S. State Department issued a “Travel Warning” advising

U.S. citizens of the risks of travel to Ethiopia due to the potential for civil unrest and arbitrary detention since a state of emergency was imposed in October 2016. The Government of Ethiopia extended the state of emergency on March 15, 2017, and there continue to be reports of unrest, particularly in Gondar and Bahir Dar in Amhara State. This replaces the Travel Warning of December 6, 2016…

The Government of Ethiopia routinely restricts or shuts downs internet, cellular data, and phone services, impeding the U.S. Embassy’s ability to communicate with U.S. citizens in Ethiopia and limiting the Embassy’s ability to provide consular services. Additionally, the Government of Ethiopia does not inform the U.S. Embassy of detentions or arrests of U.S. citizens in Ethiopia… (Emphasis added.)

What exactly does this travel warning mean?

The U.S. issues two types of travel notices. A “travel warning” is issued when U.S. officials recognize the existence of a high risk situation to personal safety and seek to urge U.S. citizens “to consider very carefully whether they should go to a country at all.” Such a warning is issued when there is “unstable government, civil war, ongoing intense crime or violence, or frequent terrorist attacks”; and “remains in place until the situation changes; some have been in effect for years.”

A “Travel Alert” is issued “for short-term events we think you should know about when planning travel to a country”, often because the destination country is experiencing “strikes, demonstrations, disturbances, health issues or  an elevated risk of terrorist attacks.”

On June 13, the U.K. Foreign and Commonwealth Office also issued a travel warning advising its citizens to prepare their own “alternative communication plans when travelling in Ethiopia”. The warning strongly advises against travel to a number of locations in the country, including the “Bole area (in the capital) at night and in more secluded areas, such as the Entoto Hills” because of “incidents of violent assaults”. The warning urges against any travel in the “Amhara”, “Somali”, “Gambella” and other regions.

On June 13, the T-TPLF announced  the launch of its “e-visa service” (electronic travel authorization for international visitors) for travelers to Ethiopia effective June 12, 2017.”  The service is alleged to be “part of a new national initiative to transform the tourism sector in the country.”

How cleverly convenient?! Vintage T-TPLF. They love one-upmanship, trying to stay one step ahead in the game and do an end run to score a touchdown.

Of course, the T-TPLF was notified in advance of the travel warning by the U.S and the U.K. officials. The T-TPLF guys just could not resist the opportunity to stick it in the face of Uncle Sam and John Bull by announcing that visitors can just cyber-walk (cakewalk) their way into Ethiopia, travel warning or no.

There have been previous U.S. travel warnings in Ethiopia.

In December 2016, the State Department issued  a “Travel Alert”, set to expire in February 2017, informing “U.S. citizens of the risks of traveling in certain regions of Ethiopia due to anti-government protests, some of which have involved violence.”

In May 2015, the State Department issued a “Travel Alert”, with an expiration date of June 30, notifying “U.S. citizens residing in or traveling to Ethiopia of the upcoming elections scheduled for May 24, 2015.”

In April 2010, the State Department issued a “Travel Alert”, set to expire in July 2010, informing “U.S. citizens of the risks of travel to Ethiopia before and after national parliamentary elections scheduled for May 23, 2010.”

For the first time, the U.S. issued a “Travel Warning” in June 2017.

Tourism in Ethiopia went to the dogs after the T-TPLF declared a state of emergency in October 2016

According to data cooked  in the kitchens of T-TPLF tourism office, statistical agency and central banks and smoothly massaged and craftily laundered through the World Bank, (I did not say Bankrupt), the International Monetary Fund, tour operators, travel agents and others, Ethiopia has been on a steep trajectory of massive increases in tourism.

2006     330,000                                           2007     358,000
2008     383,000                                           2009    427,000
2010     468,000                                           2011      523,000
2012     597,000                                           2013      681,000
2014     770,000                                           2015      864,000

The T-TPLF allegesEthiopia earned over $5.6 billion from tourism activities in 2016 with over 800, 000 tourists. By November 2016, tourism had dropped by 100,000. Yet, the “Ministry of Culture and Tourism hopes to increase the number of tourists to one million and the revenue to well over $29.8 billion in 2017.”

From $5.6 billion to $29.8 billion in one year! Such a thing can only happen on Planet T-TPLF (nom de terre Thugistan).

Over the past year, tourism in Ethiopia has nosedived.

Estimates vary but tourists are staying away from that country in droves, possibly by the hundreds of thousands. Travel alerts and warnings issued by the State Department are making Americans planning to travel in Ethiopia skittish. There is substantial anecdotal evidence of trip cancellations, changes in travel plans, re-routings to other African destinations and travel postponements by American citizens. Informed American travelers believe it is too dangerous and highly risky to travel to Ethiopia and check out the usual historic tourist spots. To complicate things and make matters even worse, the T-TPLF has turned back upon arrival at Bole airport a number of Ethiopian Americans whom it suspects or believes are its opponents.

The impact of a dried up tourism industry on the local services economy has been devastating.

A story in Addis Standard in March stated that tour businesses were reporting cancellations of “more than 95% of the bookings for the high season.” One tour operator complained, “But there are no tourists now and we can’t even rent the cars to business tourists coming to Addis Abeba. We don’t know what to do. We are just paying rent, maintaining a small staff and hoping for the best at the moment.” most of their clients come from abroad after communicating with them via the internet, guide, says he is now considering a change in career.” The operator added, “Last year at this time, I worked at least 4 days a week. Now getting tourism work has become very difficult. Some of my friends have started working as taxi drivers. At this point, we don’t know what is going to happen next and that is scary.” Many tour guides are also changing professions and looking for other non-tourism related work.

The T-TPLF has sought to drum up tourism by participating in tourism fairs and exhibitions and conducting “workshops” for travel agents and tour operators in Los Angeles, New York, Toronto and other cities. They have also launched tourism web-marketing under the tagline “Land of Origins” in apparent reference to Ethiopia as the “origin of mankind” and of the “Blue Nile”. None of the public relations efforts have worked. Tourists are staying away.

The collapse of tourism appears to have been blamed on the former chief executive officer (CEO) of  “Ethiopian Tourism Organization” (ETO) who has been in office since 2014. According to a recent report in the Ethiopian Observer, the CEO was appointed to “to promote the country’s tourist destinations and to restore the country’s bad image in the western media.” But, “Last year after a wave of anti-government protests in Oromia and Amhara regions, and the government’s move in declaring state of emergency,… the number of foreign tourists visiting the country has fallen by half. The inflow of European tourists fell dramatically due to travel restrictions and sales of travel packages.” Leo Tolstoy observed, “It’s too easy to criticize a man when he’s out of favor, and to make him shoulder the blame for everybody else’s mistakes.”

The decline in tourism has also impacted the availability of foreign currency. Tourism contributes significantly to the country’s foreign currency supply which is used to finance imports (I did not say imports of luxury cars, designer clothes and fancy construction supplies for T-TPLF bosses and cronies). The black market for greenbacks and Euros is said to be sizzling hot. Word on the street is that one U.S. dollars could  fetch up to 31 T-TPLF birr, especially if the conversion amount is over USD$1 thousand.

The IMF says the birr is overvalued, which among other things, makes exports relatively more expensive, dampen domestic demand and increase spending on imports. With declining exports (in 2011, Ethiopia allegedly exported nearly $870 million worth of commodities compared to barely $600 million in 2016), chronic shortages of hard currency, an insatiable demand for imports (imports in Ethiopia increased to $4.2 billion in the third quarter of 2016 and averaged $2.7 billion from 2006 until 2016), widening trade deficit ($3.2 billion in 2016), crushing foreign debt (nearly $40 billion in 2016 representing 54.8 percent of GDP), the Ethiopian economy is spiraling downward as average Ethiopians drown in a morass of a mismanaged economy.

Two weeks ago, “the Auditor General’s latest report” to the “Parliament” “revealed illegitimate transactions close to 20 billion Br in 158 federal institutions during the past fiscal year.

A pariah among nations?

What exactly is the message the U.S. and the U.K. governments are communicating by issuing travel warnings in Ethiopia?

On the surface, a travel warning is just that, but does it signify something deeper about U.S./UK perceptions of the political situation in the country? Is there a hidden message buried in the warnings?

Reading between the lines, there is little question that the U.S. and U.K. governments have concluded there will be no end to the political turmoil in Ethiopia which remains barely contained by a state of emergency decree which authorizes illegal mass arrests and incarcerations and use of live fire on protests including peaceful ones. It is clear to both the U.S. and the U.K. that T-TPLF has no legitimacy whatsoever in the eyes of the vast majority of the Ethiopian population. They know the T-TPLF is sitting atop an ethnic powder keg connected to a slow burning fuse fast approaching the loaded barrel. The T-TPLF barely hangs on to power because it has minimal control over the military. However, the military is highly fragmented along ethnic lines. Nearly all of the military brass are ethnically affiliated with T-TPLF regime leaders. The vast majority of the rank and file are members of other ethnic groups.

The U.S. warning speaks about the “unpredictability” and state of “unrest” “particularly in Gondar and Bahir Dar in Amhara State”. The U.K. warning concurs. That fact is corroborated by substantial anecdotal evidence of individuals who have visited those areas in the recent past.  The areas mentioned in “Amhara State” are now self-administering. There is little doubt that the T-TPLF has lost complete political and military control in a number of areas throughout the country. Just a few days ago, the T-TPLF sent a contingent of troops to suppress resistance in the Arba Minch and Gamu Gofa areas some 500 km south of the Ethiopian capital.

The U.S. perceives a direct relationship between the “state of emergency and the unpredictable security situation” in Ethiopia in urging its citizens to avoid travel to Ethiopia. The U.S. understands that the T-TPLF would not have resorted to a “state of emergency” unless it believed it was facing a clear and imminent existential threat. There is little question that there currently exists a vast groundswell of opposition to T-TPLF rule. The T-TPLF claims “protests and demonstrations” against its rule are limited to a few isolated areas remotely managed by overseas opposition groups. That is inconsistent with the fact that the T-TPLF issued a nationwide state of emergency. For the T-TPLF to impose a nationwide state of emergency decree, it must necessarily believe there is broad and deep  resistance to its tyrannical rule throughout the nation.

The U.S. is manifestly disapproving of the means the T-TPLF is using to impose its will on the vast majority of the Ethiopian population and its excessive and indiscriminate use of violence on peaceful protesters. The U.S. is communicating its disapproval in its advisory language underscoring the fact that there is “widespread arbitrary arrests and detentions throughout the country” and the intentional failure of the T-TPLF to “notify the U.S. Embassy of detentions or arrests of U.S. citizens in Ethiopia.”

The U.S. expects notification of arrest of its citizens abroad within 24-72 hours. But the T-TPLF does not honor such diplomatic courtesy. There was a time when such reporting was required (Treaty of Amity and Economic Relations between the United States of America and Ethiopia, Sept. 7, 1951, art. 6(2) (entered into force Oct. 8, 1953). Art. 36 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations (1963) also provides for consular communication and contact with nationals of a foreign state when arrested in the host country.

Of course, legal obligations mean nothing to the T-TPLF ignoramuses who have absolutely no regard for the rule of constitutional and international law. As I have often remarked, preaching the rule of (international) law to the T-TPLF is like sermonizing  Scripture to Heathen or pouring water over a slab of granite. It is a complete and total exercise in futility!!!

The U.S. Congress is righteously indignant about the T-TPLF’s “use of force and live fire in response to demonstrations” and on “peaceful gatherings”. In February, Representative Christopher Smith introduced H.R. 128 condemning the use of excessive violence and to “support respect for human rights and encourage inclusive governance” in Ethiopia. In May, Senators Ben Cardin (D-Md.) and Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) introduced S.R. 168, co-sponsored by 14 senators, which mirrors the House version. I discussed these bills in my May 29 op-ed piece in The Hill.

The T-TPLF’s “disruptions” of communication throughout the country by “routinely restricting or shutting down internet, cellular data, and phone services” are a sore point for the U.S. and the U.K. In its annual human rights report for 2016, the State department expressed its disapproval of the “Ethiopian government’s shut down of mobile access to the internet, wired access to several social media and communication sites including Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube, Skype, WhatsApp, and Viber, news websites such as the Washington Post and the New York Times, and many other sites, including foreign university homepages and online shopping sites such as Amazon.”

My informed conclusion is that it is highly unlikely that the T-TPLF will make a monkey out of the Trump Administration. I cannot imagine the T-TPLF wrapping the Trump Administration around its little fingers as they did the Obama Administration.

I do not doubt that the T-TPLF leaders believe they are so crafty and clever that they could outfox, outmaneuver and outsmart Trump and his administration any day of the week. Why else would they take hire a $2 million dollars from the mouths of starving Ethiopian babies and feed the voracious appetite of a Washington lobby firm in January unless they believed they can make a patsy of the Trump Administration?

I believe the Trump Administration has given some consideration to the points I raised in my letter to Trump dated February 3, 2017 and other follow-up communications.

President Trump is the object of savage criticism for his “America First” foreign policy”. During the presidential campaign, I was one of his harshest critics on a variety of issues. On the issue of human rights and cuts in U.S. aid to dictatorships, I agree with him completely.

As I defended U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. Nikki Haley in my op-ed piece in The Hill last week,  the Trump Administration is right in its decision (yet to be implemented) to quit the U.N. Human Rights Council than be part of an organization that is run by the some of the world’s notorious human rights violators, including Ethiopia. Haley was absolutely right when she declared, “Being a member of this council is a privilege, and no country who is a human rights violator should be allowed a seat at the table.” Haley had the courage to stand up and tell dictators to shape up or ship out.

I am so glad that Nikki Haley is no Susan Rice, Obama’s Ambassador to the U.N. In  2012, Rice canonized  the late Meles Zenawi, the ruthless and bloodthirsty genocider, as “brilliant and a son of Ethiopia and a father to its rebirth.”

Rice has never been able to tell the difference between the death and rebirth of a nation in Ethiopia, Rwanda or anywhere else. There has never been a murderous African dictator Susan Rice did not madly love.

The question is “not to be or not to be”. The question is who is on the wrong side of history on the issue of human rights? Obama or Trump?!

Trump’s “America First” foreign policy is “focused on American interests and American national security”, not about the feeding and care of savage African dictators or making excuses for the mess they have created. It is about “withdrawing” from messy entanglements that cost the American taxpayer billions of dollars. It is about accountability and not giving handouts and free money to African dictators who stash it in their offshore accounts.

The Obama Administration prolonged the political life of the T-TPLF with infusion of massive amounts of American tax dollars. It is unlikely that Trump will dump hard-earned American tax dollars to prop up a bloodthirsty thugtatorship; and will certainly not buy the “terrorism partnership” scam of the T-TPLF.

I believe the Trump Administration has concluded that things in Ethiopia have gone beyond a point of no return when the T-TPLF renewed its state of emergency in March. No doubt, the T-TPLF will continue to renew its emergency decree until it is removed from power.

When that time comes, que sera, sera (“what will be, will be”)!

The post Pariah State?: Travel Warnings in the Land of 13-Months of Sunshine (Ethiopia) – By Al Mariam appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

A Sincere Call for Attention to Serious Issues in Ethiopian:  Speech Made at the Ethiopian National Movement (ENM) Meeting held in  Oslo, Norway on June 17, 2017

By Lencho Leta

Lencho Leta

Dear Ethiopians,

In the name of the leadership of the Ethiopian National Movement (ENM) and also in my own name I would like to thank you all for accepting the organizers’ call and attending this meeting. Let me begin my speech by asking worrisome questions:- What can possibly happen next in Ethiopia? Does that worry you?

I am very worried about what could happen next in Ethiopia because of one reason: conditions have gone from bad to worse after every regime change in that country.

I started thinking about politics during the era of Emperor Haile Selassie. Many members of my generation hated the Emperor’s regime. We were convinced that a worse regime is inconceivable. But history proved us wrong for the Dergue became more oppressive and murderous.

Then we started thinking that anything would be better than the Dergue. We were proven wrong once again because the TPLF/EPRDF proved more oppressive and murderous. The Dergue committed its crimes openly and righteously. Under the TPLF/EPRDF, however, crimes are committed in secrecy. So figuring out the number of people killed or tortured is impossible. But we can state one fact with confidence. More people have been imprisoned for political reasons under the TPLF/EPRDF than before. Similarly, the number of people summarily executed may also exceed that of the Dergue era.

So once again we are tempted to think that a regime worse than the present one is inconceivable. We should be careful lest we repeat our previous mistakes for there is one condition that would be worse than TPLF/EPRDF dictatorship. And that is the breakdown of order. A breakdown of order could be what would happen next in Ethiopia. And this is what worries me most.

Some of us have witnessed first-hand the descent of countries into disorder in the Horn of Africa one after the other. And we have come to identify one important factor leading to the breakdown of order. When political contestants agree only on opposing the incumbent and nothing else, then a breakdown of order becomes inevitable.

This is what we witnessed in Somali’s descent into the chaos from which they are yet to emerge. Somalia’s very powerful national consensus was based on opposing Ethiopia. They were united in hating and working to defeat Ethiopia.

I walked through the Issa settlement to Djibouti in 1978 right after the end of the Ethio-Somali war. And all the Issa Somalis we met expressed deep-seated hatred of what they called the “Habash.” Even illiterate nomadic old women raved and ranted against the “Habash”.

This outward directed hatred of the “other” started turning inward after the coup attempt of 1978. Thereafter, Somali national consensus started unravelling at fast rate. Ultimately, numerous clan-based opposition forces started working to defeat the Siad Bare dictatorship. Once again they all agreed on unseating Siad Bare and nothing else. When Siad was driven out of power in 1991, these groups turned on each other for they had nothing in common other than hating and desiring the unseat the Siad dictatorship.

South Sudan became the second country to descend into chaos in the Horn of Africa. Here again agreeing on whom to hate and oppose was the only factor uniting South Sudanese during their struggle against Northern domination. South Sudanese communities were always severely divided but were united in hating Northern domination. Once that common sentiment disappeared after independence nothing remained to hold them together.

There are certain things that we have learned from the cases of state collapse in our immediate neighbourhood. First, there is an intimate relationship between dictatorship and state collapse. One is the precondition of the other. Second, it is hard to identify the point of no return in the progression to state collapse. Third, it is easy to find oneself in the situation of state collapse and monumentally difficult to emerge from it.

Hence, there is no point in wailing and complaining after experiencing state collapse. Instead all stakeholders should pool their energies, voices and influences in order to avoid it. One way to do so is to agree on the political values that bind together all stakeholders. The birth of ENM is a good starting point for such a project but much more needs to be done.

As all are aware the issues of consensus underpinning the ENM are quite limited. In fact, member organisation disagree on more issues than they hold in common. We have to accept this fact and jointly work to build ever increasing areas of consensus. And in order to do this we have to conduct open, civil and responsible debate.

One obvious area of difference concerns the so-called “ethnic politics”. Positions for or against this issue are rock solid. Defenders of “Ethiopian unity” identify “ethnic politics” as the greatest danger to the country. And we nationalists fear the rhetoric of “Ethiopian unity” as a pretext to revive the kind of political order that we spent the best part of our life fighting against. And neither side bothers to define what it means by “Ethiopian unity”.

The same thing applies to Ethiopian national identity or Ethiopiawinnet. We can only get out of this apparent impasse by agreeing on a couple of premises. First, there should be nothing unconditional in our political discourse. For me, I am not unconditionally opposed to Ethiopia remaining a united country and I do not accept unconditional unity.

I take this stand because Ethiopian unity to date is based only on force, on coercion. I will resist unity based on coercion to the end of my life. Instead I welcome unity drawing on solidarity. And this trend has encouragingly started to emerge back home. This is exemplified by the solidarity between Oromos and the Amharas of the north during the last popular uprising in the homelands of both communities. We need to recognize and build on and deepen this promising trend.

I have clear reasons why I oppose the revival of Ethiopian unity as promoted by previous regimes. It was premised on fanning the disunity of some communities and not others. Unity demanding the disunity of some and not others is not only unfair but also futile. For example, this type of Ethiopian unity was predicated on the disunity of Oromos, Afars, Sidamas and many others. Unity drawing on the disunity of some hinders the expression of solidarity among those experiencing disunity while encouraging and celebrating the solidarity of those whose unity is unaffected. And this is clearly unfair.

A more fair and robust Ethiopian unity is one based on solidarity within and among Ethiopia’s diverse communities. The building blocks of this type of Ethiopian unity are communities united in the shared opposition to domination of any kind.

There is a version of Ethiopian identity (Ethiopiawinnet) that goes along with this type of Ethiopian unity. The Ethiopiawinnet of the past was envisaged to be founded and blossom on the graves of Oromonnet, Sidamannet, Afarinnet, and the identities of other communities. I totally reject this type of Ethiopiawinnet. On the other hand, I work for a kind of Ethiopiawinnet that embraces and reflects Oromonnet, Afarinnet, Sidamannet and the identities of all communities. This is a more colourful Ethiopiawinnet that does not negatively impact the self-respect and dignity of anyone.

There are, of course, those who are not in the position to identify themselves as Oromos, Amharas, Gurages, etc. We should not impose on these types of individuals some other identity than calling themselves Ethiopian. They should not also demand those of us who prefer to identify ourselves as Oromos and Ethiopians to drop our Oromonness.

The version of Ethiopiawinnet that I am talking about is different from the one promoted by previous regimes. The previous version of Ethiopiawinnet did not include all sectors of the population. So some could recognize themselves in it while others could not. The excluded ones ultimately tabled demands for self-determination. The only way to reconcile this demand with the continuation of Ethiopia as a united country would be by rearticulating Ethiopiawinnet as a composite of the identities of all its communities.

I believe simultaneously being an Oromo and an Ethiopian is possible and does not hurt anybody. Making this simultaneous invocation of both identities impossible would force some of us to make a choice between the two. Many nationalist would very likely drop the Ethiopian identity and stick to their national identity. And this does not augur well for Ethiopia remaining a united country.

The other controversial issue concerns the use of languages in administration, justice and primary education. And this is a fundamental question of democracy. One prominent feature of a democratic order is the accessibility of institutions and administrators to all citizens. Which means communication between state officials and service seekers should be direct and unhindered. Introducing a translator between them would undermine this direct communication.

There was a time in Ethiopia when communication between state officials and service seekers had to be through a translator. It is called “simaa balaw”. In my childhood I attended a court case being translated into Amharic by somebody whose command of afaan Oromo was either limited or he was deliberately distorting what he was supposed to translate. It was a travesty that I could not forget to this day.

Who gets hurt if Oromos get administrative, judicial and educational service in their mother tongue? Did anybody benefit from Oromos going through the “simaa balaw” process in the past? The only limiting factor in exercising any right should be whether it negatively affects the rights of others or not.

There are many problems that the present rulers of Ethiopia inherited and exacerbated instead of resolving. There are others that they deliberately introduced in order to stay in power. But there is one over which they have very limited influence. And that is the galloping population growth rate.

When the present rulers came to power over a quarter of a century ago, Ethiopia’s population was a little over 50 million. Today it is close to a hundred million. This poses a tremendous burden on the country’s carrying capacity. And it is a problem that whoever comes to power next would inevitably inherit.

What is surprising is the fact that this matter hardly figures in the discourse of opposition groups. It is this silence on a very critical matter that worries me most as an indicator that Ethiopia is on the verge of state collapse. How can we be silent about a matter that is so glaringly threatening?

People who have been in the Ethiopian capital would tell you how noticeable population density has become. Just the street scenes testify to a fast rising congestion. But there is one factor that does not go with this image. Crime is very limited. Gangs do not exist to a noticeable extent.

How can abject poverty and congestion not lead to armed robbery and other sorts of violent crimes? The answer lies in the behaviour of the peoples. Ethiopian peoples are truly noble. They uphold the law by their very nature. They are also God-fearing. These are the factors that holding Ethiopia together much more than coercion by the state authorities.

But these noble values can be lost. And they are not likely to be retrieved once lost. Hence, it is incumbent on political leaders to do everything possible to avert such a scenario. We have much work to do. And let us get down to it under the directions laid down by the Ethiopian National Movement (ENM).

Last but not least, I would like to take this historical forum to request all Ethiopian organizations, groups and individuals to put aside their minor differences and join ENM in order to practically support the all-round efforts of the Movement through all possible ways.

Thank you.

The post Lencho Leta Speech at the Ethiopian National Movement (ENM) Meeting held in Oslo, Norway appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

AL JAZEERA

African Union says it will send a ‘fact-finding mission’ to the countries as tensions between the neighbours mount.

The African Union (AU) has urged Djibouti and Eritrea to show “restraint” as tensions over a disputed border territory intensified and threatened to revive a long-standing and at times violent dispute.

Djibouti on Friday accused Eritrean soldiers of occupying territory in the contested Doumeira region following the departure of Qatari peacekeepers from the location earlier this week.

Doumeira is situated northeast of Djibouti and east of Eritrea near the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, a strategic waterway at the foot of the Red Sea through which nearly four million barrels of oil are shipped daily to Europe, the United States and Asia.

Moussa Faki Mahamat, AU commission chairperson, said on Saturday that the union would send a “fact-finding mission to the Djibouti-Eritrea border”.

The AU is “ready to assist Djibouti and Eritrea to normalise their relations and promote good neighbourliness within the framework of relevant AU instruments,” he said.

Qatar announced that it was pulling its contingent out on June 14, days after the two East African countries sided with Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and their allies in a major diplomatic standoff with Doha.

Qatar’s foreign ministry did not give a reason for the move.

Djibouti’s Foreign Minister Mahamoud Ali Youssef said on Friday that his country’s army was “on alert” and accused Eritrea of “moving its forces” into the Doumeira region where Qatari peacekeepers had been stationed since 2010 as a buffer between the two nations’ armies.

READ MORE: Djibouti accuses Eritrea of occupying disputed area

In a statement issued on Saturday, Eritrea did not address the allegations directly, saying it would not respond to “news – factual and speculative – churned out in the last few days”.

“The government of Eritrea will make its views known when it obtains full information of the entire episode,” said the statement issued by the information ministry in Asmara.

Djibouti, a close Western ally, has repeatedly clashed with Eritrea over the disputed territory, raising fears that the spat could engulf the entire region.

Clashes broke out between the Horn of Africa countries in June 2008, which triggered several days of fighting that killed a dozen Djiboutian troops.

Eritrea had initially denied making any incursions, accusing Djibouti of launching unprovoked attacks.

The UN Security Council then requested both sides withdraw from the area before the neighbours accepted a Qatari request to mediate and deploy peacekeepers.

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SBS Amharic Interview with Artist Yadesa Zewge Bojia

The post SBS Amharic Interview with Artist Yadesa Zewge Bojia appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

June 19, 2017

T.Goshu

“Difficult relationships are caused by two people: the person who does wrong or irresponsible things and the person who allows it.” Elisabeth B. Brown, Living Successfully with Screwed-up People, 1999.

Needless to say, this argument of the author strongly typifies how the problem of opportunistic behavior towards not only the ruling circle but also the notorious division and ugly squabble within and among political opposition organizations which declare the political struggle against tyranny has made the Ethiopian people pay huge price for a quarter of a century. I understand that this kind political culture and sentiment will take time, and desperately needs patience and perseverance. However, the way some fellowmen and fellowmen think and behave even after two decades of horrible socio-political experience in our country is incredibly idiotic. Why and how? It is partly because as Elisabeth argues, the majority of us do allow them to do so. Readers of this piece may ask me what I am talking about. I will be clear as I proceed.

“When emotional, you greatly want things to go a certain way, and you feel highly motivated to get what you want or avoid what you do not want.” Albert Ellis, How to Control Your Anger Before It Controls You (1997)

This is one of the serious challenges of human behavior or attitude. As a matter of fact, it is not possible to totally avoid or control this characteristic of human being. What is possible is to deal with it in such a way that it should not go out of control and causes crisis which in its turn can result in the destruction of highly desirable social, cultural, moral/ethical, spiritual values   of a society.

Needless to say, it is when we fail to rationally (not emotionally) deal with this undesirable but not totally avoidable challenge that we make things worse to the extent of creating a fertile ground for hatred, divisiveness, and acts of aggression that may lead to mutual destruction. The very seed of hatred and hostility germinates and develops in our state of mind.  When we fail to deal with this destructive behavior or attitude rationally, tolerantly, amicably, wisely, constructively and with a sense of looking-forward; we invite the reign of disorder and mutual obliteration. Simply put, what is in our state of mind and how we communicate it and for what purpose manifests itself either as the right and constructive means or as the wrong and terribly destructive instrument which can cause devastating  conflicts, wars  and  disintegration which breed more hatred and hostility .

As Albert Ellis argues, the mentality of avoidance of ideas and beliefs for the simple reason that we do not want or do not like not only the issues for discussion but also a person or persons who bring them forward is the greatest enemy of pursuing a common good through a collective course of action. Not properly and wisely handled, this type of mind- set can lead to a socio-political chaos and territorial disintegration which makes people behave emotionally and irrationally and fight against each other as if they had never lived together and shared great common values.

What significantly if not mainly contributes to the occurrence of this horribly undesirable situation? Unless we want to fool ourselves, it is our own wicked political state of mind and behavior: cynicism, hypocrisy,   conspiracy, deception, deeply rooted apathy, moral and ethical degradation, spiritual bankruptcy.  Who contributes most to the occurrence and devastating consequences of this evil-driven situation? Not the people; but first it is the brutal ruling circle, and secondly it is those of us who consider ourselves as advocates of freedom and justice whereas we are totally consumed by a serious problem of looking at things beyond and above our own notoriously  voracious egos.  That is exactly what we are encountering at this very critical moment which desperately demands us to behave and act differently than we did for a quarter of a century.

It goes without saying that our case is a typical example of how not to deal with   the differences of ideas and beliefs we may have rationally, tolerantly, amicably, and progressively is painfully troubling. The tyrannical ruling elites have badly manipulated the situation for coming to power and are perpetuating it by using those evil means such as hatred, mistrust, division, animosity, and destructive conflicts between and among ethnic groups. As a matter of the very nature and behavior of minority ethno-centric ruling parties in general and that of TPLF/EPRDF in particular, that is the only best way they can stay in power.  What is horribly paradoxical is when we as citizens, political opposition groups and civic entities are not genuinely willing and able to engage in rational, healthy and constructive criticism leave alone to change things on the ground through collective action. Sadly enough, we are not still realistically and morally courageous to strike back at the very foolish but damaging attitudes and behaviors of some compatriots who terribly mess with practically positive efforts being made by truly concerned Ethiopians.

We cannot afford just keep blaming the ruthless ruling circle of TPLF/EPRDF only. True, the root cause of the incredible degree of political persecution, socio-economic destitution, and horrifying injustice, embarrassing moral and spiritual degradation is the minority ethno-centric tyranny. However, it is one thing to be critical of the highly toxic political system, but it is quite another thing to be courageous and honest enough to seriously look into what went horribly wrong within ourselves as induvial citizens, groupings and as a people in general.  Sadly enough, the situation becomes much more painful when some individuals and groupings use criticism either for the sole purpose of self-defense or as an instrument to attack what  they do not like or what they disagree with.

Admit it or not, it is this very damaging aspect of our socio-political discourse that has been and continued to be as painful as the the brutal ruling circle has done for the past two decades and continued to do so. Finding ourselves in a situation where there is no substantial and constructive way of criticizing each other’s  ideas , views and deeds after going through an extremely painful socio-political dehumanization and national disgrace for  a quarter of a century is hard to explain and justify. The problem is we just keep making wonderful rhetoric without internalizing it deep inside our minds and hearts. Our failure does not stop here. It goes to the extent of destroying each other’s ideas, views and practical endeavors regardless of the credibility of their importance in the name of criticism and self-expression because we personally do not like each other or we are victims of our voracious self-centered interests.

The political culture and attitude of using  sensitive identity and cultural  concepts of unity (Ethiopiaeinet) and ethnic identity (multitude of them) in our country for getting our own highly self-centered and voracious personal or group political or any other aspiration is one of the most challenging reality we are facing in this twenty-first century. This is because the moment we base our political critique on the very idea of either Ethiopianwinet or each of our ethnic identity as if they are not beauties of unity within diversity, we put our common interest and destiny as a people in a serious jeopardy. Unfortunately enough, that is how some fellowmen and fellowmen are behaving and acting.

What is more painfully disturbing is that the way we criticize each other’s ideas, behaviors and actions is not only a matter of  foolishness  and distortion but it also goes to the extent of destroying what we do not like or disagree with.  That is exactly what we continued to witness at this very devastating political situation in our country in which the people are forced to live under an absolute brutality of state of emergency (state terrorism) which is approaching to “the celebration of its one year anniversary”. Is this not terribly disgraceful not only at individual or group or certain section of our society level but also at the vey national (countrywide) level? Absolutely it is!

Take deep breath and try to think deep in your inner soul and feel it how we have become captives of nostalgia for history made by our forefathers and foremothers hundreds and thousands of years ago without making our history of this 21^st century.  It painfully disturbs to witness some fellow Ethiopians attacking those sons and daughters of Ethiopia who are doing their best right on the ground, not from across oceans where they use to live their own decent and much better way of living. Genuinely concerned Ethiopians, we have to dare to critically and straightforwardly challenge those compatriots who terribly mess with the ongoing struggle for freedom and justice with their notoriously nonsensical propaganda which is of course a serious sickness of political mentality.

Frantz Fanon, the author of Black Skin, White Masks, 1952 (English translation by Richard Philcox 1982) argues what a desirable essence of mutual recognition in human relations does mean; and how the other side of it, keeping each of us apart and make the two-way movement and communication closed  is essentially mutual deprivation. Yes, whenever we “shut of the circuit” or disturb it with all kinds of foolish and distorted criticism, we end up being trapped by the very damaging trend of mutual exclusion and deprivation. This becomes extremely painful in dealing with a very age-old, complicated, seriously challenging, and of course sensitive socio-political situation in our country. If we have to make a desirably positive difference in our political discourse and subsequently our course of action, there is a desperate need to work hard to make our criticism rational, objective, respectful, issue-focused, constructive and forward-looking.

Here is how Fanon puts it: “It is when I go beyond my immediate existential being that I apprehend the being of the other as a natural reality, and more than that. If I shut of the circuit, if I make the two-way movement unachievable, I keep the other within himself. In an extreme degree, I deprive him even of this being for-himself.”

Unfortunately enough, what we have continued to witness is the making of the already difficult political discourse much more difficult with our foolish, destructive and distorted way of criticism.  What is terribly ridiculous is when we try to justify our damaging bevaoiur and attitude in the name of the right to criticism, freedom of expression and opposition. I do not think there would be any other typical example of this delusional way of thinking than the way we deal with our socio-political challenges. It is self-evident that this is because of our failure to learn a very hard lesson from what horribly went wrong in the past quarter of a century.

The political sentiment or attitude of embracing what we want (agree with) and avoiding what we do not want (disagree with) is the very consequence of allowing ourselves to be victims of excessive egoism, uncontrollable emotion, irrational and dangerously short-sighted way of thinking. Simply put, the sentiment or attitude of “I do not want to be part of the discussion on an issue regardless of its importance because I do not like certain individuals or groups” has been one of the most painful failures for the past two decades that puts our country and her people at an incredible level of suffering and dehumanization.

It goes without saying that it is this kind of mentality and attitude that has made the struggle against the very ruthless political tyranny of minority ethno-centrism unsuccessful. As if the very consequence of this failure for more than two decades is not enough yet, we still do not seem willing and able to reach some kind of mutual understanding of how to use criticism in dealing with the pivotal issues which determine our common destiny.

If we do not somehow and somewhere become genuinely cognizant of this self-defeating behavior and attitude and ready to do things the way they serve the public good, there wouldn’t be any convincing reason or justification for ending the bloody politics of minority ethno-centrism and establishing a system that would be responsive to its all citizens and accountable for all its misdeeds.

The way we engage in a conversation and the way we forward our critique is not in most cases based on what are the issues raised and how to deal with them and find a common ground, but based on the very wrong perspective of subjectivity which goes to the extent of name calling and direct personal attacks. As Fanon argues, this kind of behavior and attitude breeds nothing but mutual exclusion and deprivation, and if it is not dealt with properly, it would be resulting in mutual destruction.

To come to the specific comment and opinion I want to raise and discuss about, I read Ato Epherem Madebo’s note of recollection and impression about his trip to Oceania (Australia and New Zealand) posted on ECADF and the ZeHabesha, Amharic pages on 5/18/17. To my understanding, he has effectively communicated his message with his very interesting style of writing (neither difficult nor boring). He began his message by letting his readers know that it reflects his own personal observation, understanding and impression about his trip. Letting readers or audiences know that a writer or speaker is the sole source of what he or she wrote and spoke and responsible for any eventuality is quite normal and appropriate not only in a political arena but also  in the arena of any professional duties and responsibilities.

Here is how I understood the content of his message in brief:

1) To express his deeply felt admiration and gratitude to Ethiopians living in that part of the world for their unreserved and patriotic love and support they have shown during his work trip. He expressed his sincere belief that the love, compassion and the real sense of togetherness he has witnessed was and is a strong testimony of seeing the future of our country bright, not dim or dark.  He has expressed his heartfelt impression about truly enthusiastic Ethiopian Diasporas in that part of the world as evidence of how the quality of commitment to the just cause of one’s country is much more powerful than mere quantity.

• To share his impressive experience of exchanging ideas about Ethiopia and Ethiopiawinet with elderly compatriots in Australia. The remark he has picked up from one of the elderly is very interesting and powerfully true. The elderly was and is quite right when he sincerely advised Ato Ephrem not to trust those who disingenuously (bogusly) claim as descendants of Emperor Tewodros; because Tewodros had never advocated and proclaimed polarity. Rather, he preached about the power of unity and lived up it and sacrificed himself for it. Ato Ephrem was and is right when he straight-forwardly and realistically argues that it is not the place (locality) we were born that necessarily makes us patriotic and heroic; but it is our unique or extraordinary willingness and ability to seriously try to make sense out of the situation we live in and wholeheartedly internalize what is happening to the society we belong to, and try to reason out why, how and who is responsible. It is this kind of personality that paves the way for us to become leaders of a dynamic change in history, not whether we were born in a certain part of the country and certain section of a society.

• To send his powerful message to this young generation by telling a wonderful story during his trip. The very message in the conversation between him and a young man in Australia is truly powerful. The way the young man expressed his admiration and gratitude to those truly patriotic Ethiopians through patriot Ephrem, and the way patriot Ephrem replied is deep in meaning and powerfully touching. They communicated their sincerely deep-rooted conviction about what Ethiopia and Ethiopiawinet does mean to this generation who shoulders an incredibly heavy responsibility than ever as far as bringing about genuinely democratic society and justice in our country is concerned.

Here is the way they expressed their deep-rooted feelings to each other:The young man to Ephrem, “Your strength is Ethiopia; my strength is you!”Patriot Ephrem’s reply; “The strength of both (all) of us is Ethiopia!”  How powerfully meaningful these messages are!

• To sincerely remind all genuinely concerned Ethiopians that to squabbling over things that could be dealt with as priority arises than exerting a concerted effort on those very critical common issues and strategies is totally absurd, if not dangerously self-defeating . This specifically refers to those who sadly lost their legitimate target (the deadly political game of TPLF/EPRDF) and instead keep waging their evil-guided campaign of propaganda against those genuinely patriotic Ethiopians who put themselves right in the very forefront of the struggle for freedom and justice.
• To leave his readers with a very challenging question of what is to be done. The way he stated his concluding remark is something which we cannot stay indifferent unless we want to remain victims of either political naivety or deliberate obstructionism which emanates from our wildly voracious personal or group ego. He concludes, “I do not know yours. But Ethiopians in Ozzie (Australia -Oceania) will torn down the wall TPLF cadres told us to dare to do so, and we will practically show them that we are determined to do so because we cannot allow them to keep killing us in order to assure their political survival and keeping us bow down.”  How truly patriotic this is!

Leaving the rest of the memoir to truly concerned Ethiopians to read and have their own understanding and judgment, I would like to proceed accordingly.

Soon after the publication of Ato Ephrem Madebo’s message of recollection and impression, I came across comments by some fellowmen namely: Andualem Tefera, Solomon Dagnachew and of course Tekle Yeshaw.

As Tekle Yeshaw’s   response is quite long, notoriously and negatively redundant; many of the points of my comment would focus on the way how he conducted his criticism. I would be highlighting the ones which I believe readers should pay heed.

Let me once again be clear that I have no any intention of either simply defending Ato Ephrem Madebo’s political view and practical commitment or attacking those who question and challenge him with their own perception and perspective. Neither am I naively intended to defend Arbegnoch Ginbot 7 and the Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio nor to argue that those fellowmen have no the right to criticize the weaknesses or wrong doings those political and media entities may not be immune from. My very intention is to express my points of view on the question of how the way we use criticism can negatively or positively shapes and affects our political discourse. I would be heedful of not to attack people’s personal and private behaviors and matters as such. But I would be as straightforward and critical as I should be towards the way they think and behave at this very critical political moment in the country.  I am a strong believer of not to be shy away from calling a spade a spade whenever and wherever appropriate and necessary.

I found the comments of the three interesting not because they are rational, realistic, and constructive, but because they have made themselves much more clear how they are not willing and able to behave and act as grown-up politicians whose time and energy should not be wasted in the business of foolish and distorted criticism. Neither am I surprised nor frustrated with the very undesirable, if not distractive behavior of those fellow Ethiopians because I understand that this is one of the toughest challenges not only in the struggle against ethno-centric tyranny but also afterwards.

The response of Solomon Dagnachew is short and essentially covered by the two others. That is why my comment would focus on the criticism of the two fellow Ethiopians and more particularly on Tekle Yeshaw’s long, jargonized and highly redundant response as follows:

• The three “critics” argue that Ato Ephrem Madebo was wrong when he let his readers know that the memoir is his personal observation and impression he recollected about his trip to Oceania. What they essentially are saying is that the moment one joins an

Organization, he or she totally loses his or her personal identity, independent and critical thinking, ideas, thoughts, views and principles which is a terribly distorted way of looking at the relationship between a person and the organization he or she belongs to.

Tekle Yeshaw makes his foolish and distorted way of looking at the relationship between a member and his or her organization more clear when he says, “Ginbot 7 means its members and all what its members say is that of Ginbot 7.” What he essentially is saying is that an organization is simply a collection of people who totally dissolve their individual identity and perspective of looking at things and simply become a bunch of brains saying yes or no regardless of who is right or wrong, or who says what. Is this not a terribly idiotic way of political thinking? Absolutely it is!  I hate to say but I have to say that this kind of political sentiment is not unexpected from a person who “leads his organization” at his own wishes and guidance of “Moresh means Tekle and Tekle means Moresh.” I wonder how a person with this type ignorant arrogance can be a democratic asset to the birth and development of Amhara’s democratic political organization let alone to a democratically feasible and inclusive Ethiopian political umbrella. I strongly argue that not only the Amhara in particular but also the Ethiopian people in general cannot afford to give due recognition let alone to extend whatever support they can to those who wage all kinds of cynical, hypocritical and conspiratorial propaganda against those Ethiopians who are doing their best in the ongoing struggle for freedom and justice.

• All the three “critics” accuse Ato Ephrem and the organization he belongs to of being against one of the fundamental rights of Amharas to organize themselves and fight against the brutal minority ethno-centric tyranny along with all other ethnic groups of Ethiopia.

I want to underscore here that no any ordinary Ethiopian with his or her right mind let alone Arbegnoch Ginbot 7 and its members and freedom fighters argues and stands against the fundamental rights of not only Amhara but any other ethnic group or section the society as far as my recollection and understanding is concerned. I am quite certain that millions of open-minded, rational/realistic and constructive thinking Ethiopians share this perspective of mine.

What all those genuinely concerned Ethiopians argue is not whether Amhara or any other ethnic group has the right to organize itself in any way it believes to do so or not. What they strongly and without reservation argue is that Amahras have no problem whatsoever to join all other Ethiopians and fight for freedom and justice for all. That is why we are hearing clear and loud voices calling for stopping the bloodshed of innocent Ethiopians wherever it is committed by the TPLF /EPRDF killing machine.  The voices we do hear clear and loud at this very critical moment declares, “The bloodshed in Oromia and Amara regions is the blood of innocent brothers and sisters of Ethiopia. “   

The three fellowmen (Tekle, Andualem and Solomon) puts this clear, loud and straightforward message of the innocent people of the two majority ethnic groups up side down when they try hard to convince us that it is politically and morally right to drag the Amaras down to the level of the politics of pure ethnic identity and then come back to what the people are demanding for latter. These fellowmen are either victims of ignorant arrogance or griped by uncontrollable obsession with personal or group egos.   Otherwise, they could have sincerely listen the very demand of Amhara in particular and all other Ethiopians in general, and be genuine contributors to the ongoing struggle for freedom and justice. And that demand is nothing but stopping the politically motivated bloodshed of all innocent brothers and sisters of Ethiopia through collective and compassionate political action and subsequently build a country of freedom and justice for all.

I strongly argue that it is absolutely wrong and damaging for some fellow Ethiopians especially in the diaspora to drag down Amhara to the level of the politics of ethnic-based hatred, fragmentation and chaos of TPLF/EPRDF as if a quarter of a century is not enough yet.  Needless to say, trying to deal the very socio-political dehumanization of Amaharas under TPLF/EPRDF with extremely sensational / emotional and terribly shortsighted way of doing politics as well as with the very ugly and mutually destructive mentality and behavior of those in the diaspora is a serious political moral sickness, to say the least.

I know those who may badly disagree with this view of mine may respond with all kinds of wicked categorization and characterization. I wish I could make them happy and get their admiration and “blessings.” But that is not the way I am. I am person of belief that it is the right thing to call a spade a spade whenever and wherever appropriate and necessary. Yes, I would like to reiterate that those fellowmen/women in the diaspora who have declared the formation of multiple of political or advocacy groups of friends and political acquaintances of the same political mentality in the name of rescuing Amhara will cause serious disruption to the ongoing struggle which desperately demands the construction and strengthening of multi-national (country widely inclusive) umbrella of political plan and action.

• It is self-evident that Ato Tekle Yeshaw’s response to Ato Ephrem’s memoir is full of redundant and irrelevant sayings and proverbs. It is not difficult to understand how his response would be terribly wicked when genuine readers read the way he selected the topic for his foolish and distorted criticism. It says, “Dem Tekebto Zimb Ayferram (No afraid of flies while being blood spotted”. This speaks volumes about the very self-degraded and evil-driven political thinking and behavior we have to deal with straight forwardly, rationally, and of course courageously. This is because these types of political mind-sets that have been among the most spoiling factors in the process of the struggle for freedom and justice for the past quarter of a century should not go without being checked and challenged .The people of Ethiopia cannot afford to let this terribly idiotic political mentality to go as political business as usual. No way!

Genuinely concerned Ethiopians, how a person who claims himself as advocate and promoter of desirable Ethiopian culture and tradition totally lose some level of moral and factual decency whenever he criticizes the works of his own compatriot?  Why and how Ato Tekle Yeshaw tried hard in search of bloody words for his topic to express his disappointment and disagreement with another Ethiopian who with all his weaknesses and mistakes we may argue about is doing the best he can to his country and people?    This clearly tells and shows how some fellowmen and fellowmen such as Ato Tekle Yeshaw have made themselves victims of the total bankruptcy of rational and constructive way of thinking and doing politics.

• Andualem Tefera repeatedly reminds his readers about his fifty years of political struggle which is not a wrong thing to do as such. Without talking about my own story about the political struggle he repeatedly talks and writes about, I would say that the way he thinks and behaves in this 21^st century and at this time of critical moment of Ethiopian politics dose not sound as rational and constructive as a politician of this long experience. He stupidly or otherwise tries to convince us that Ethiopians such as Ato Ephrem Madebo who left their well-established and well-to-do way of life and their beloved families behind and paying all necessary sacrifices with thousands of Amhara freedom fighters in particular and the Amahra people in general are enemies of Amhara. Andualem argues that Ato Ephrem does not know and understand the political situation and psychological make up of Amhara.  Well, it is an ABC of social reality that someone  do knows and understands the social, cultural, traditional practices of a community he or she was born and grew with. But to seriously argues that Ethiopians such as Ato Epherm who well knows and deeply understands the very political and socio-economic history and most importantly the contemporary political reality of Ethiopia do not know Amhara is either ignorance or arrogance or blind dislike.  The political mentality of characterizing Ethiopians whom we may  disagree on the way we do politics  as bad or good simply  based on  their ethnic background or identity politics , not based on the vision and policy ideas they may have is really a sick political mentality.

Hoping that those fellowmen may have some grain of truth and constructiveness, I tried to read their writings as carefully as possible. Sadly enough, I ended up finding no real sense of criticism, but the throwing of all kinds of extremely irrational, if not terribly stupid words and expressions of personal attack against Ato Ehprem  and waging  dirty political propaganda against Arbegnoch Ginbot 7, ESAT and other individuals and political parties and movements. This terribly nonsensical socio-political mentality and behavior should not be allowed to continue obstructing and damaging the ongoing struggle for freedom and justice for which truly patriotic Ethiopians such as Ephrem Madebo are paying necessary sacrifices at the very forefront of operational ground.

• Andualem’s argument on the question of whether TPLF-controlled   ethno-centric and tyrannical government represents the national interest and sovereignty of Ethiopia is terribly distorted. I do believe that it is true and right to argue that the government of the ruling front which is controlled by one member of it (TPLF) behaves and acts as a political gang (alliance), not as responsible and accountable ruling political body. But the way Andualem argues is not only politically naïve but counterproductive to the ongoing struggle of bringing all Ethiopians together and helping them to stay focused on their common enemy (rigidly brutal ruling circle of TPLF/EPRDF). I do not think even the very argument that the fact that those in power are from one minority ethnic group and  behave and act wildly brutal irrespective of people’s  or national interest does mean that there is no government as far as the political reality of the world we live in is concerned. The right and legitimate way of dealing with this kind of political system is to be cognizant of the fact that the legal and political definition of a state and government is not based on who is democrat or brutally dictator. We have to also be cognizant of how world politics works and how and why not only dictators support each other but why the relatively developed and democratic governments extend their all-round support to those brutally dictator regimes knowing that they are the enemies of their own people. Let’s argue realistically, not from the perspective of wishful thinking and going nowhere propaganda. This is because the more we make ourselves busy with these kinds of highly simplified assumptions and wishes, the more possibility to lose our focus on realistic and effective way of doing politics.

Andualem declares, “What currently exists is a government of Tigrayans, not Ethiopian government. Amhara is struggling against the Tigrayans government, not Ethiopian government. The annihilation of Amhara for the prosperity of Tigrayans.”  Genuinely concerned Ethiopians, I do not want to go into the business of discussing this self-explanatory argument.  But I have to express how it is stupidly awful both political and morally to use the description of Ethiopian /Amahra government  and the Tigraynas government as if Tigrayans as a people are responsible for what the very few individuals who belong to some families of Tigrayans are ruling Ethiopia with iron fist. I wonder how some fellowmen in the diaspora with this kind of wicked and idiotic political mentality and behavior dare to claim themselves as defenders of the democratic right of Amhara whereas they are making the socio-political rift created by TPLF/EPRDF much more deep and wide.   Is this not horribly awful political mentality and behavior?  Absolutely it is!

• Ato Ephrem has described how his long journey was not easy especially as a passenger who has phobia of flying.

Ato Tekle Yeshaw made a very foolish distortion when he tried to use this very clear and simple personal experience to reinforce his argument against those Ethiopians who have no any leisure and time to entertain all kinds of nonsensical, if not idiotic political tag of war . Tekle should be embarrassed by his own political personality which has gone to this extent of using any opportunity that makes himself more disparaged and disgraceful.

He “reported” to his readers that “because of the awareness of Amhara about not only the “ineffectiveness” of Arbegnoch Ginbot 7 but also its “anti-Amhara agenda”, thanks to the leadership of Moresh, Ato Ephrem returned empty handed.” What he is declaring is that his dream of evil wish and his daydream calculation of seeing the political bankruptcy of those patriotic and heroic Ethiopians who are in action on the ground where the fight for freedom is taking place must become true.

He stupidly believes that  Ethiopian diasporas have no either any clue or their own judgement about his multiple journey to Oceania, Europe and North America  to promote his own  voracious personal ego and to sell his books of sensationally  appealing  especially to his political moto of “Amhara by itself and for itself.” Needless to say, Ato Tekle Yeshaw and his likes do not have both moral and factual ground to convince millions of genuinely concerned Ethiopians that those who left their decent or better way of living and their beloved families behind and put themselves at the forefront of the struggle are not serious about the fate of their country.

• Genuinely concerned Ethiopians, how bringing in the story of having a girl friend from Asmara a long time ago ( assuming it was true) into a political discussion and use it as one of the reason to attack a compatriot who is doing his best for his country and people make sense? Absolutely it doesn’t!! What is disturbing is not why and how people like Tekle Yeshaw behave and act. What is really disturbing is when those individuals claim themselves as defenders and promoters of freedom and justice than any other individual and political opposition party or movement. Truly concerned compatriots, it is high time to straightforwardly and constructively engage those fellowmen and women of foolish and distorted political thinking and behavior, and help them to slowdown and seriously rethink about the political and socio-economic reality of today and be parts of people’s struggle for better way of life, or else get off people’s way and messing with patriotic sons and daughters of Ethiopia who are in the front line of the fight against the brutal minority ethno-centric tyranny. There should not be time, resource and energy to be sacrificed for mutually destructive way of doing politics anymore because of our opportunistic behavior or unquenchable personal or group egos.  Needless to say, this is a serious sickness of political mentality which must be dealt with accordingly.
• Ato Tekle Yeshaw has no any sense of being politically grown up when he “challenges” what Ato Ephrem had to say about what an elderly Ethiopian in Australia advised him about those who bogusly claim that they are descendants of Emperor Tewodros. He stupidly says that if the story was true, Ato Ephrem could have let us know the identity of the elderly (his ethnic background).  He further went with his terribly embarrassing political personality by bringing another name (DR.Lapiso) into his argument of attacking Ato Ephrem. He reminds us that the two are from the same region though from different ethnic background and he made up his own cynical and conspiratorial theory that because Dr. Lapiso look at the Ethiopian history with his critical views, the same is true to Ato Ephrem. Well, it is fine to be critical of these Ethiopians based on our own counter-arguments. What is horribly embarrassing about Ato Tekle Yeshaw’s way of thinking is when he draw a conclusion that those from the same non-Amhara region are not for Ethiopiawinet. How terribly awful!
• He went back to the 1991 “transitional period” of TPLF/EPRDF and complains that it was “the relatives of Ato Ephrem who were represented, not Amhara.” Genuinely concerned Ethiopians, take a minute and try to make sense if this kind of terribly small –minded political personality makes sense. I am not trying to say that it is wrong to use instances to support our arguments rationally, maturely and constructively.  But the notion of bringing back any wrong doing from our own bloody political history and use it to attack not only a patriot Ethiopian who is doing the best he can for his country and people but also his relatives is either stupid or narcissist political behavior or attitude.

Accusing and condemning the generation which was forced to choose a radical means of change (socialist ideology) because of the closing of any other peaceful means of reform by the then rulers as destroyer its own country and people with no any qualification is the characteristic of  small minded political personalities, not broad-minded.

• Ato Tekle Yeshaw and his likes accuse Arbrgnoch Ginbt 7 of trying to work with ethnic –based political groups which have worked hard for the disintegration of Ethiopia for thirty years. Leaving aside the analytical and logical assessment of who did wrong what and to what extent throughout our political history to those with the right and appropriate expertise , I would say that it is totally a political stupidity to wage  propaganda  against  those Ethiopians who are trying their best to approach and exert maximum effort to work with those who have their own concerns and questions what does Ethiopiawinet in the real sense of the term mean, and how it should  practically be interpreted.  It is either ignorance or self-defeating arrogance or ulterior personal or group motives to refuse to sit down and listen to each other and built mutual understanding within ourselves regardless of our differences in ethnic background, language, culture, religious beliefs and above all political views and perspectives. I do not know what a real sense of politics means if it is not an art of dealing with differences, disputes, conflicts through a mutually beneficial method of resolution.  Needless to say, a country we aspire to be  democratic and prosperous will never come true through the very stupid political mentality of “I do not want to talk to let alone to work with you unless first drop those issues and problems which do not go with this or that way of doing politics.”
• Ato Tekle Yeshaw has the following to say to justify his notorious accusation against ESAT which he questions not only who owns it but its great role in creating well-informed public at this very critical situation in our country where the people are forced to live under a total ignorance about what is happening in their own backyards . As a matter of fact, people with obstructive mind-set such as Ato Tekle and his likes do not question and challenge media like ESAT what is the strength to be strengthened more and where is the weakness to be acknowledged and to be dealt with accordingly. What they do is who is a member or who owns what and wage their crude, rude and hateful propaganda. This is awfully nonsensical!

Here is what Ato Tekle Yeshaw further complains; “If ESAT was welcoming to all Ethiopians,   it would have make possible for those who make their voices about Ethiopia and Amhara such as Dr. Abeba Fekade, Dr. Asefa   Negash and ato Getachew Reda to air their voices.” I do not know if it is a legitimate complaint or just a perception that he uses as additional point of attack against the credibility of ESAT.

• Ridiculously enough, Ato Tekle Yeshaw brings the well-known names of members of the generation of the 1960s and 70s who had been victims of the red terror into this very specific subject of discussion, and accuses the generation as whole as the destroyer of Ethiopiawinet, Amahra and the Ethiopian Orthodox religious belief.  He reminds (warns) Ato Ephrem that this era is not the era of those whom he enumerated their names. I really do not know what disturbs his inner soul and usually makes him go all the way back to about fifty years and blame that generation as whole.  I wish he could have the courage to confess what he himself had done as member of that generation, and tell what he has done during his life in the diaspora and what he is really doing nowadays.  I have no complete information about what he had and has done; but what he is doing nowadays is clear to any Ethiopian with his or her good sense of reasoning power. He is one of the most notoriously spoiling elements in the diaspora. I wish I could describe his political attitude and behavior otherwise. But that is the way it is!
• Ato Tekle Yeshaw takes his “challenge” to the extent of accusing Ato Ephrem and Arbegnoch Ginbot 7 of being “threats (preventers) to the coming the descendants of Emperor Menelik to power.” I think the problem of   Ato Tekle seems that whenever either he writes or speaks, he just gets overwhelmed by his own perception, imagination, and narcissist sentiment. Folks, just look at how he just let his own notoriously voracious way of thinking go badly erratic,   jargonized,  anger and emotion -driven, and most of all terribly personalized.   I do not know either Ato Epherm or any other members of the leadership of Arbegnoc Ginbot 7 personally. What I closely and eagerly follow is what they are for and what they are doing practically (words, deeds to the extent of paying a huge price). It is from this perspective and conviction of mine that I surely want to say to Ato Tekle Yeshaw that neither Ato Ephrem nor other members of the leadership do not have to study the political genealogy or ancestry and dependency of either Emperor Menelik or any other monarchical family. What they are doing is learning from what went wrong and right in the past and moving forward to help this generation to make its own history. If Ato Tekle is intended to use the case of Emperor Menelik as the case in point to propagate his very cynical and narcissist political propaganda in the name of Amhara, it would be for him to insult Amhara and those who are doing their best to come together based on a real essence of Ethiopiawinet and to make their only house (Ethiopia) a country of freedom, justice, equal opportunity, and shared prosperity.

I could say more and more. But believing that I highlighted and discussed some of the main political ideas and behaviors which reflects sicknesses of socio-political mind-sets in our political discourse, I have to end here. Let me end by saying that the undesirable political thinking and behavior I tried to discuss were, are and would continue to be parts of the socio-political history of any human society. Needless to say, the challenges they pose differs from country to country. The more developed and democratic, the less the negative impact and vice versa.  I do not need to lecture you where we are. I strongly believe that one of the main reasons for us not be able to make a breakthrough and shorten the untold sufferings of the people of Ethiopia is because we allow those compatriots who pose a serious setback every time they see any progress that is not satisfactory to their notoriously narcissist and hypocritical political personal or group behaviors and interests. I truly want to remain  optimistic that we as individuals, as members of political or civic organizations, as professionals of media outlets, as a community and above all as a people will learn a hard lesson from what terribly went wrong and make our own political history sooner, not latter.

The post Ethiopia: Sick Political Mentality That Should Not Go Without Being Checked – T.Goshu appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (London)

PRESS RELEASE

Up to 60 percent of Ethiopia’s coffee production area could become unsuitable for coffee farming before the end of the century, says a new study. Moving coffee production to higher ground plus forest conservation and restoration could substantially increase the area suitable for coffee growing in Ethiopia, the study adds.

Scientists at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew and collaborators in Ethiopia have today published an innovative new study on the impact of climate change on coffee farming in Ethiopia. The research, conducted over a three-year period, investigated the potential for building a climate resilient coffee economy for Ethiopia.

The paper, published today in Nature Plants, is called ‘Resilience potential of the Ethiopian coffee sector under climate change’.

Ethiopia is the world’s fifth largest coffee producer and Africa’s main exporter. In 2015/16, 180,000 metric tonnes of coffee at a value of US$800m was exported from the country, generating a quarter of the country’s export earnings and providing livelihoods for around 15 million Ethiopians.

Against a backdrop of rapidly increasing temperatures and decreasing rainfall, there was an urgent need to understand how climate change is influencing coffee production and what the options for the future are.

Justin Moat, co-leader of the study at Kew Gardens said: “This is the culmination of many years work, where we are trying to understand in detail the influence of climate change on coffee production in Ethiopia.

“We found that a ‘business as usual’ approach could be disastrous for the Ethiopian coffee economy in the long-term. Timely, precise, science-based decision making is required now and over the coming decades, to ensure sustainability and resilience for the Ethiopian coffee sector.”

In its wild state Arabica coffee (Coffea arabica) is a forest plant restricted to the highlands of Ethiopia and neighbouring South Sudan. It has been used in Ethiopia as a food and beverage for many hundreds, if not thousands, of years. Currently 80% of Ethiopia’s coffee comes from forests or forest-like habitats, and covers around 20,000km of the country’s landscape, with another 20% grown in small plots in sun or partial shade.

The new study uses detailed computer modelling developed by the World Climate Research Programme (WCRP), and high resolution satellite imagery to map the coffee growing landscape of Ethiopia, in combination with numerous computer simulations, to project changes in climatic suitability for coffee under different climate change scenarios until the end of this century.

The research shows that an increase in temperature of around 4°C by the end of this century could lead to a 39-59% decrease in the current coffee-growing area of Ethiopia, if no interventions are made.

Conversely, relocation of coffee-growing areas could potentially result in a fourfold increase in the coffee farming area within Ethiopia, even under climate change. This would require a major shift in the coffee growing landscape, mostly to higher altitudes, as temperatures continue to increase. Considerable numbers of farmers would need to diversify away from coffee, whilst others would need to take up coffee growing for the first time.

Generally, those areas that are currently marginal for coffee farming will decline first, although some areas that are highly suitable today are projected to decline more rapidly than expected. Some areas will have in-built climate resilience, mainly due to their current suitability and geographical position. The research provides climate change projections for each of Ethiopia’s 16 main coffee growing areas.

Feedback from coffee farmers and field study of coffee farming sites, indicates that coffee farming has already been negatively influenced by climate change in Ethiopia, and that these changes happen slowly (over many decades) until tipping points are reached.

Dr Aaron Davis of RBG Kew, co-leader of the research said: “On the basis of the study we now have a clear vision of what needs to be done to make the Ethiopian coffee sector climate resilient, at least until the end of this century. The sector has the potential to increase production, even under climate change. In the longer term, however, the only truly sustainable solution is to combat the root causes of climate change.”

Professor Sebsebe Demissew, a senior botanical scientist from the University of Addis Ababa and a co-author of the research said: “Arabica coffee originates from the highland forests of Ethiopia, and it is our gift to the world. As Ethiopia is the main natural storehouse of genetic diversity for Arabica coffee, what happens in Ethiopia could have long-term impacts for coffee farming globally. “

Background

The study was conducted for the project Building a Climate Resilient Coffee Economy for Ethiopia, within the Strategic Climate Institutions Programme (SCIP) Fund, financed by the governments of the UK (DFID), Denmark and Norway; the views expressed in the study do not necessarily reflect the UK, Norway and Denmark governments’ official policies.

The study was led and managed by Dr Aaron Davis (Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, UK) and Justin Moat (RBG Kew and University of Nottingham) and Dr Tadesse Woldermariam Gole (Environment and Coffee Forest Forum (ECFF), Ethiopia).

The report that accompanies the research paper, Coffee Farming and Climate Change in Ethiopia: Impacts, Forecasts, Resilience and Opportunities, provides details on the location, timing, and severity of projected climate change impacts for the 16 coffee farming areas of Ethiopia.

Access the study http://www.kew.org/science/projects/building-a-climate-resilient-coff ee-economy-for-ethiopia

Access the report https://www.nature.com/articles/nplants201781

The Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew is a world famous scientific organisation, internationally respected for its outstanding collections as well as its scientific expertise in plant diversity, conservation and sustainable development in the UK and around the world. Kew Gardens is a major international and a top London visitor attraction. Kew’s 132 hectares of landscaped gardens, and Kew’s country estate, Wakehurst, attract over 1.5 million visits every year. www.kew.org

Facts and figures: Ethiopia and Coffee

•  Ethiopia is the true home of Arabica coffee. Wild Arabica coffee is only found in the highlands of southern Ethiopia and a small area of neighbouring South Sudan
•  In 2015/16 Ethiopia exported coffee around 180,000 metric tons of coffee, worth in excess of $800 million US dollars
•  Ethiopia is the world’s 5th largest exporter of coffee, and Africa’s main exporter
•  Most of Ethiopia’s coffee is grown in association with either native forests or native tree species, which provided the shade necessary for optimum growth and health
•  Currently, around 19,000 km2 of Ethiopia dedicated to forest or forest-like coffee production of one type or another, which is about the size of Wales or El Salvador
•  Ethiopia has the current potential (climatic suitability) to use around 45,000 km2 for coffee farming, more than twice the size of Wales or El Salvador.

Coffee and climate in Ethiopia

•  Presently coffee is mainly confined to altitudes between 1200 and 2200 m
•  The ideal average temperature for growing coffee is between 18 and 22ËšC
•  Typically, over 1300 mm of annual rainfall is needed to grow coffee

Coffee and climate change in Ethiopia

• In the last 50 years the average temperature in Ethiopia has increased by around 1.5ËšC
• The mean annual temperature of Ethiopia is projected to increase by 1.1 to 3.1ËšC by the 2060s, and 1.5 to 5.1ËšC by the 2090s.
• This would be the equivalent of moving from London to the South of France
• A critical factor in the suitability of coffee farming is the interaction between rainfall and temperature; higher temperatures could be tolerated if there was an increase in rainfall

Climate change and its influence on Ethiopian coffee farming

•  Worst-case climate scenario projects an almost 60% reduction in coffee farming suitability (based on a temperature increase of 4 oC) by end of century, if no adaptation measures are adopted
•  With the relocation of coffee farms and coffee farming areas to higher altitudes, there could be the potential for a fourfold increase the land suitable for coffee farming, even under climate change
•  Resilience built via the migration of coffee farms and coffee areas would be a major undertaking, although the relocation could be spread across several decades
•  Regardless of intervention measures one of Ethiopia’s best known coffee growing origins, Harar, in eastern Ethiopia, is likely to disappear before the end of the century
•  Higher altitudes are projected to become more suitable for coffee; lower altitudes are projected to become less suitable for coffee
•  The best overall conditions for coffee farming in Ethiopia are projected for the period 2010-2039 (when Ethiopia has a potential coffee growing area of around 66,000 km2)
•  The model projections produced by the study show that it will be necessary to move coffee upwards (in altitude) by 32 m per decade to keep pace with climate change
•  There is a close link between coffee quality and the environment: areas identified as unsuitable or marginal generally produce lower quality coffee

The post Action Needed to Safeguard Ethiopia’s Climate-Threatened Coffee Industry appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Mahlet Fasil

Dr. Merera, Chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC)

Federal prosecutors have today submitted their objections against the statement from Dr. Merera Gudina. Last month, Dr. Merera’ lawyers have submitted a letter requesting for the criminal charges against him to be separated from the terrorism charges against the two foreign based media organizations OMN and ESAT, in the same file. Today, the court received the written objection from the prosecutors and adjourned the next hearing to give its verdict to July 07.

Dr. Merera, Chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) has objected to the charges stating, among others, the multiple criminal charges he is facing as having nothing to do with the terrorism charges brought against OMN and ESAT, which are co-defendants in the same file.

In their response today, prosecutors have asked the court to dismiss Dr. Merera’s objection on the grounds that he has failed to include his objection along with his preliminary Objection. Prosecutors have also made a case that the charges against all defendants in the same file, including Jawar Mohammed, executive director of OMN, and Dr. Berhanu Nega, leader the Patriotic G7, a rebel group already listed as a terrorist organization, are interrelated in many ways.

Dr. Merera’s initial preliminary objection included for the charges against him to be dismissed all together or his right to a bail to be upheld. The court dismissed both and upheld prosecutors’ request. However, on June 02, the defense team of Dr. Merera submitted another objection stating the criminal charges against Dr. Merera to be separated from the terrorism charges against OMN and ESAT, listed as co-defendants in a file under his name.

Dr. Merera is facing multiple criminal charges that include an attempt to violently overthrow the constitutional order. Except for Dr. Merera, the case against all defendants is being seen in absentia.

**

In a related news, during the last hearing on June 2nd, the judges have told federal Prosecutors that the terrorism charges against OMN and ESAT lacked critical details such as the legal status of the organizations, timeline of their establishments and countries they were operating from. Today, prosecutors have submitted an improved version of the charges against the two media organizations.

However, this morning the court has declined to give copies of the improved charges to lawyers representing Dr. Merera Gudina stating that they were not representing the media organizations. The court also adjourned to give its response to the improved charges on the same date on July 07.

– AS

The post Ethiopia Prosecutors Once Again Dismiss Dr. Merera’s Second Objection, Court to Give Its Verdict appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Teshome Debalke

After all, no united people and democratic nation was ever possible without institutionally vetting the elites and penalizing violators to submit for the will of the people, none. Therefore, Ethiopian political elites must cut to the chase of talking on both side of their mouth and unconditionally surrender for consent of the governed to liberate the people of Ethiopia from their dysfunctional behavior that unleashed the nuisance of tyranny. It is as simple as that.

The  Ethiopian National Unity Convention recently held in Seattle, Washington part  1  2… unlike any is the beginning of  institutional probe on violators of the public trust  long overdue in contemporary Ethiopian politics.

Unity of contemporary elites for purpose of emancipating the people of Ethiopia from the dysfunctional elites that have been bargaining our people’s freedom and rights away for their own ambitions is unheard of in modern Ethiopian politics and as simple as it can get to end tyrannical rule for good.

To give the Convention the badly needed moral clarity  in the old Ethiopian religious tradition long forgotten by most contemporary elites like everything Ethiopian, the presence of our religious leaders to render  spiritual advice to soften the hardened hearts and to reaffirm their commitment to speak out for justice and morality to free our religious institutions taken hostage by the ethnic Mafia elites was the icing on the cake.

The legendry 20^th century German born America abstract expressionist Hans Hofmann once said; “simplicity is the ability to simplify means to eliminate the unnecessary, so that the necessary may speak.”

Indeed. Whether in religion, politics, social and economics; simplicity is the mother of all ‘to eliminate the unnecessary, so that the necessary may speak.”

Likewise, Politics is  ‘the art of the possibilities’ because its ability to simplify means to eliminate the unnecessary noise of  self-appointed political elites, so that the people may speak freely on the substance of democratic governance. Unfortunately, the reverse is true when it comes to our political elites’ zero-sum disengagements for as long as we can remember as if the democratic struggle is about them instead of the people of Ethiopia.

Thus, the Convention began to end self-serving politics at the expenses of the people of Ethiopia as we know it and should be applauded for opening the door of accountability. It not only showed where the bottleneck that kept our people apart and the ethnic Apartheid Mafia regime alive to create more chaos than otherwise but, provided platform for political, civic, Media… ‘organizations’ leaders to submit for the will of the people and to answer the tough questions of the public interest than throw mud on each other hiding behind the rogue Mafia regime to avoid public scrutiny for their own transgressions.

The ground-breaking Convention must continue its effort of identify every political, civic, Media… organizations and their leaders involved in the Ethiopian affairs to come out for public scrutiny and accountability.

Quit honestly, my wish is; the Convention to be transformed in to a permanent Watch Dog organization that oversee the hazard of dysfunctional behaviors of the elites that causing pain and suffering of the people of Ethiopia in general and the transgression of every political, social, economic and Media organizations and their leaders on behalf of the people of Ethiopia.  In other words, it should be named to the ‘Ethiopian Unity and Democracy Watch’ with a broad mission of independently investigating who-is-who selling the interest of the people of Ethiopia short in every sector and take the necessary actions to stop it.

At the meantime, the formation of the Ethiopian National Movement last year and its recent multi cities tours around the world is the end clandestine politics against our people’s interest as we know it and the beginning of accountability. The Movement’s members’ official submission for the consent of the governed is a testimony unheard of in the political history of Ethiopia and the end self-entitlement to rule without consent the people as we know it.

As I said before, ENM is the best thing that happened to the people of Ethiopia since the Ethiopian Satellite Television Network hit the airwaves. I said that; not because the people behind ENM are necessarily smarter or better than anybody else but, because their moral superiority to submit for the consent of the governed thus, the rule of law and democracy by their actions than words is unmatched by any political elites that flaunt their credentials but yet couldn’t figure out what it means for the people of Ethiopia other than their own ambition visible for the necked eye.

Therefore, any Ethiopian that is blind sighted by the self-appointed representatives’ empty talk and by Woyane instigated ethnic Apartheid institutionalized divide and extortion is missing the big picture of the Ethiopian National Unity Convention’s platform and the Ethiopian National Movement submission for the will of the people of Ethiopia. After all, what good is Unity without the end of self-appointment of the political elites as representative of our people or democracy without the unconditional surrender for the consent of the governed that doesn’t require a PhD to figure out.

Thus, self-appointed political elites that made career out of using ethnicity or unity as a means of bargaining the people of Ethiopia’s’ rights and liberties away or as a meal ticket to illegitimate political power and corruption are nothing less than ‘the devil in disguise’ as we witnessed the rogue TPLF Mafia elites make a mockery of consent and democratic governance for 40 plus long years.

Before I dip in why the Ethiopian Unity Convention is the beginning and end of all dysfunctional behavior of contemporary elites, my appreciation for the distinguished Ethiopian public intellectual Professor Mesfin Woldemariam for simplifying the problem when he said; “ኢትዮጵያኖች መንቀል እንጂ መትከል አንችልም” and summed up the source of all the crises facing the people of Ethiopia and where to begin solving it.

In his remark, he made a telling story about modern education as a possible trigger of the elites’ dysfunctional behavior. Observing many highly educated contemporary Ethiopian elites’ propensity for cronyism and corruption and disregard for the rule of law and accountability on the expenses of their fellow Ethiopians, it wouldn’t be an exaggeration to say; modern education is the principal contributor for contemporary elites’ dysfunctional behavior thus, the source of lawlessness and  the pain-and-suffering of our people in general and the atrocities and corruption of the ruling ethnic Mafia elites. Listen to his full speech  here.

Given his advice mightn’t sink-in the minds of highly polarized and narcissistic contemporary political elites’ that feel entitled to continue circling the same old Marxist’s class and ethnic divide wagon not to speak the universal language of the rule of law and democracy, the time has come for all Ethiopians to make each-and- every one of them accountable as the Ethiopian Unity Convention began to do. After all, how long Ethiopians can tolerate contemporary elites to experiment every political, social, and economic transgression known to man without taking any personal responsibility whatsoever or unwilling to tell the truth to remedy them?

Regardless, the past is for historians to document and justice to take its course in future time as many progressive participants of the Convention alluded. Looking forward; no individual Ethiopian elite simplify the gist of the solution missing in the vocabulary of contemporary political elites for so long than Dr Kunte Mussa. In recusing himself from claiming to represent our people, he said; ‘I am an individual and don’t represent the Afar people or anyone else. No one voted for me to represent them’; and hammered the nail on the coffin of self-appointed representative of our people — the primary cause of the problem on the struggle for freedom, justice and democracy that cost so many lives, rights, liberty and resources of the people of Ethiopia for so long.

But, no one — speaking on behalf of the Patriotic-Ginbot Seven Movement and member of the Ethiopian National Movement buried the coffin of self-appointment for good than Dr Berhanu Nega that earned him terrorism charge from none other than the self-appointed ethnic elite representatives of our people in Tigray masquerading as the Government of Ethiopia.

Therefore, the problem for struggle for freedom and democracy is nothing more than the self-appointed representative of our people’s refusal to surrender for consent of the governed as their notorious Woyane counterparts. Unfortunately, it continued to be the one-and-only bottleneck facing the people of Ethiopia from ending the Apartheid Mafia rule as it is the case for all people around the world under despotic regimes run by dysfunctional elites that vehemently refuse to surrender for the consent of the governed thus, for the rule of law and democratic governance.

For the record, the former Kinjit that won the 2005 Ethiopian National Election hands down followed by Patriotic-Ginbot Seven Movement for Freedom, Justice and Democracy are the only political organizations in the history of the Ethiopia that officially submitted for the consent of the people until the four progressive member parties of the Ethiopian National Movement unconditionally surrender for will of the people of Ethiopia last year to unite their effort.

The Ethiopian National Movement was born out of the necessity ‘to eliminate the unnecessary’ (the political elites’ entitlement to self-appoint themselves as the representative of our people) as acknowledged by the Chairman Dr Beyan Asoba.  Quite frankly, Ethiopians can’t get it any better than that and should take ENM seriously to help end tyranny from body politics of Ethiopia as we know it.

If  you really think about it, the entire political, social and economic crises brought on our people that resulted in the emergence of a self-professed Marxist Military junta known as Derg followed by a self-professed Marxist ethnic Mercenary/Mafia known as Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) masquerading as the Ethiopian governments; it is because of the audacity contemporary political elites’ refusal to submit for the consent of the governed, the rule of law thus,  democratic governance ever since Ethiopians embarked in the struggle for freedom and democracy from the traditional monarchy rule. Nothing less noting more to it.

Therefore, self-appointed representative of our people at home and abroad that are supposedly educated enough to know better than their traditional counterparts brought chaos— division, confusion, rights violations, corruption, poverty, death, distraction, displacement… and can no longer be allowed to continue the politics of chaos as the usual for their enablers’ benefits.

Unfortunately, old habits die hard and many continued to do the same. Crimes after crimes of Woyane dysfunctional elites and blunders after blunders of the rest; the self-appointed representative of our people couldn’t budge but, double down to justify their existence on the expenses of our people for far too long.  Where is the justice for our people in that?

When I wrote several critical articles about contemporary elites playing hide-and-seek starting on January 21  titled the politics of against vs. for the people of Ethiopia  followed by another article on February of 2017  titled;  “The ‘Ethiopian Crisis’: Isn’t the intellectual elites’ willful ignorance that caused the crises?” it was out frustration not finding much info  about the same old Summit call  on Ethiopian Crises sponsored by the Ethiopian American Council and ‘Consultative Conference’  sponsored by Shengo, the Ethiopian National Transition Congress and Ethiopian Youth National Movement. I couldn’t help but ask;

“Could the Crises of Ethiopia the lack of transparency of those that claim to address the Crises?”

After the summit and the Consultative Conference’ to nowhere ended, on   March 2017 I wrote another  article titled “Two wrongs don’t make right nor help institute the rule of law over the jungle law” to reinforce; self-appointed representative of our people are mixing apples and oranges in the name of ethnicity, unity, peace, democracy… by coming up with their own jungle law. I said;

“Unfortunately, there are enough dysfunctional elites that embrace the jungle law of their own liking that benefited TPLF/Woyane warlords to empower them to ram the jungle law further — mixing and matching ‘alternative’ facts for far too long.  More disheartening is; Diaspora dysfunctional elites’ persistence to sustain and mainstream the jungle law halfway across the world — reinforcing; you can get the boys out of the jungle but, not the jungle out of them.”

Think about it, where in this world people get away with self-appointing themselves as representative of the people of a nation without the consent of the governed but, contemporary dysfunctional political elites from their hiding?

Quite frankly, I don’t know how any organization leader in the business of solving the political problem of Ethiopia feels entitled to speak on behalf our people beyond the universal suffrage of the people of Ethiopia and democratic rule regardless of the outcomes. To do so is not only an insult to the intelligence and the integrity of the civilized people of Ethiopia but, a conspiracy to undermine the unity and the democratic struggle of our people.

But again, what do I know about contemporary politics when the most educated elites couldn’t figure out the difference between their petty interest and the public interest?

Albert Einstein once said, “We cannot solve our problems with the same level of thinking that create them”

It is true anytime a political party, civic organization or Media leaders deviate from the consent of the governed, the rule of law and democratic governance as the principle driving force for freedom and liberty of our PEOPLE; crises like what the people of Ethiopia faced all these years at enormous cost to lives, rights and livelihoods and the integrity of the nation is inevitable.   Then, why do contemporary political elites do it over-and-over again and why the rest of their peers allow them?

If the past is any indication; ideological differences wasn’t the issue between contemporary political elites. After all, they all embraced Marxism then as they claim to embrace democracy now but, never walk-the-talk or agreed to work together on the basic principle of Marxism then or democracy they publicly proclaim now. Nor, the absences of the rule of law and personal accountability is their concern then as it is not now by their own actions-and-inactions. Therefore, by embracing despotism (the rule of the jungle) and secrecy (lack of accountability) over the consent of the governed, the rule of law and accountability (democracy); their dysfunctional behavior become the norm not the exception as it was summed up by our wise people’s saying “እኔው ብቻ ልግዛው ሆነና ነገሩ ደግሞ በሰማይ ቤት እንዳያስቸግሩ”.

Can Ethiopians afford self-appointed representative of our people to negotiate with each other our rights and fate any longer remained the million dollars question.

Therefore, when the Ethiopian National Unity Convention began the process of the long-awaited accountability of the self-appointed representatives our people to consent for the governed in the shadow the ruling ethnic Mafia elites hellbent to sustain ethnic Apartheid regime backed by the international community; it was fresh air to make us all sing halleluiah.

But, the usual loud noises not only came fast from the stooges of the rogue Mafia regime as expected but, from every self-appointed elite that claim to represent our people. It seems anything that brings Ethiopians together to discuss the right course of actions to take to make all political elites surrender for the consent of the people of Ethiopia is the end of the world or death sentence for their entitlement. Where is the justice for our people in that?’

Therefore, the attacks on anybody that striped their entitlement intensified before the Convention’s proceedings’ ‘ink dried’. For instance, those attempting to pock hole on the Ethiopian Unity Conference came on Media platforms run by clandestine individuals hiding in their bunkers. The open season of attacks, diversion, character assassination, incrimination… against the Unity Convention itself, the organizers and participants as well as leaders of the Ethiopian National Movement, particularly Patriotic-Ginbot Seven Movement’s leaders shouldn’t alarm Ethiopians and remind us what Professor Mesfin said– “ኢትዮጵያኖች መንቀል እንጂ መትከል አንችልም”.

The challenge for Ethiopians in general as well as organizers of the Ethiopian Unity Conference and member of the Ethiopian National Movement is simple. That is; to sort out the political elites that talk for the sake of talking/opposing and others that claim to represent a party or organization on behalf of our people but refuse to walk-the-talk and make them personally responsible. After all, isn’t that why Ethiopians are disgusted by the crimes of the dysfunctional Mafia elites of Woyane?

Unfortunately, to see only members of the Ethiopian National Movement submit for consent of the people of Ethiopia means there is  more work to be done to bring about individual and institutional accountability from all. The question is; who and how?

The role of the Media and civic organizations

As they say, Media Matters. Unfortunately, most contemporary elites’ run ‘Medias’ are political hacks with obvious agenda not to matter for the interest of the people of Ethiopia just like their self-appointed political counterparts.

The handful Media operators that officially submit for the interest of the people of Ethiopia led by the Ethiopian Satellite Television Network Verses the many others that submit for self-appointed political elites of one kind or another including Woyane Mafia elites is where the problem began and must end. Again, the solution is simple. Medias that submit for the interest of the people of Ethiopia have the responsibility and the duty to identify and sort out those that don’t. Likewise, civic organization can also play a role to sort out the real from the fake Medias.

Likewise, the Ethiopian Unity Convention organizers (the future Ethiopian National Unity and Democracy Watch) must also hold convention on the State of the Ethiopian Media to identify and sort out those that submit for the people will verses their own or their enablers’ will. After all, whether political party, civic and economic organizations or Medias, if they don’t submit for the interest of the people; what good can they be but, trumpets of interest groups of their choice that take advantage of the chaos the Mafia regime created at the expenses of the people of Ethiopia.

As the mudslinging and flame throwing on Ethiopians intensify from the usual suspects mostly from faceless and nameless characters, organizers of the Ethiopian Unity Convention as well as all Ethiopians must be vigilant to identify and expose them to the people of Ethiopia. What they shouldn’t do is be sidetracked by those that attempt to derail the democratic struggle and focus on the bigger issue of individual accountability from one-and-all away from guilt by associations.   After all, isn’t guilt by associations the criminal way of denying of our people justice the dysfunctional Woyane Mafia elites strive on?

Finally, the door is wide open for one and all political parties, civic organization and Medias to submit for the consent of the people of Ethiopia and explain how they plan to bring about unity, freedom, the rule of law and democratic governance to sort out who is responsible for causing havoc on the people of Ethiopia beside the expected Mafia regime’s elites hiding behind the ethnic Apartheid Revolutionary Democracy and everything in between.

I don’t know about you my people. But, for me as Ethiopian; no one represent my people until they say so in their free will. And, any organization, political or otherwise that officially submit for the will of my people worth every support, respect and more.

After all, no united people and democratic nation was ever possible without institutionally vetting the elites and penalizing violators to submit for the will of the people, none. Therefore, Ethiopian political elites must cut to the chase of talking on both side of their mouth and unconditionally surrender for consent of the governed to liberate the people of Ethiopia from their dysfunctional behavior that unleashed the nuisance of tyranny. It is as simple as that.

The article is dedicated for the organizers of the Ethiopian National Unity Convention in Seattle Washington for opening the door of accountability and members of the Ethiopian National Movement that set the standard of democratic rule by officially submitting for the consent of the people of Ethiopia.  Whether we love them or hate them for whatever petty reason, they proved to be morally superior than any to love their people more than they love themselves. As they say, ‘if you love them; set them free’.

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ESAT Latest Ethiopian News June 21, 2017

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by Aklog Birara (Dr)

Open Letter

Aklog Birara (DR)

Barely three years after more than 160,000 Ethiopian migrant workers in Saudi Arabia were expelled from the Kingdom, an estimated 400,000-750,000 Ethiopian migrant workers face a dire situation again. No one really knows the exact number involved; but it is in the hundreds of thousands. The eminent nature of these mass deportations reveal two intractable and interrelated fundamental human rights issues in international and domestic policy.

Despite its constant rhetoric that it has embarked upon a period of unprecedented “renaissance” for its large population, Ethiopia’s police state is incapable of creating work opportunities or providing basic services. Instead, the regime resorts to all forms of cruel and inhumane treatments including encouraging hundreds of thousands to leave Ethiopia. The exodus of people is unprecedented in Ethiopian history. The regime continues to believe that this exodus generates foreign exchange and is therefore worth the sacrifice of tens of thousands of lives and the dignity of Ethiopians.First and foremost is the inability of the Ethiopian government to meet the hopes and aspirations of its bulging youth. Those under the age of 35 constitute 70 percent of Ethiopia’s 104 million people. Experts estimate that Ethiopia needs to create more than 2.5 million jobs each year. Compounding this lack of opportunity is a crushing and debilitating system of government that crushes all forms of dissent, rejects the right to demand services and to hold government officials accountable for crimes against extrajudicial killings, forcible disappearances, evictions, displacements, jailing and torture.

Hence, the allure of a better life abroad and the push from cruel and inhumane treatment constitute the key divers of indescribable flight and brain drain from Ethiopia. Ordinary Ethiopians prefer to take risks and leave their homeland in droves than to suffer from humiliation, recurrent assaults and slow deaths at home. The government of Ethiopia is incapable of removing the root causes that led millions of peaceful citizens in Oromia, Amhara, Konso and other locations to revolt against this crushing system barely one year ago. More than 1,000 innocent people were murdered; and no one has been held accountable for these atrocities. Unwilling to respond to the popular revolt, the regime declared a State of Emergency for six months that it has now extended by 4 more months. For practical purposes, political, social and spiritual space is totally closed. A closed society cannot create jobs or establish an environment in which citizens would have a fighting chance to make a living in their homeland.

If the regime has failed to match the East Asian Miracle of growth and development over the past 27 years, do not expect that it can match them in the next 30 or 50 years. The fundamentals are broken and cannot be fixed by the same crowd that enriched themselves over a quarter century!! The tragedy in exclusionary and repressive governance shrouded under the developmental state is that, the regime’s leaders refuse to compare their contributions with the best of the best in the East and South Asia, Latin America, North and Sub-Saharan Africa. Instead, they keep telling the Ethiopian people that the regime is doing better than the Imperial regime and the Dergue, both of which are long gone and history. Why not dare to compare Ethiopia’s growth with current success stories such as Botswana, Mauritius, Seychelles, Namibia and increasingly Ghana, Kenya, Rwanda etc.? Ethiopia’s per capita income is a third of Sub-Saharan Africa.

The regime has failed miserably in meeting the demands and needs of Ethiopian youth. They leaves in droves because the system is both hostile and disempowering. Any regime incapable of responding to its youthful population is at the same time incapable of serving the country and all of its citizens. Immigrants suffer from this vicious and cruel system.

Second, even in better times, Saudi Arabia is not known for humane treatment of migrant workers. Migrant workers do not have human rights; they are treated as disposable modern “slaves.” Therefore, the Saudi Arabia’s “Saudization” or indigenization program comes at the worst time for Ethiopian migrant workers. Millions of Ethiopians suffer from one of the worst cases of drought famine. A 2017 assessment of fragile states by the Fund for Peace identifies Ethiopia among the 15 most fragile countries in the world. The report underscores the fact that the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) that dominates the government exercises total monopoly over political, economic, security and other policy and decision-making institutions. “The TPLF control is self-evident. The military establishment is Tigrean.” Group grievances are common and are left un-addressed. Ethiopia’s middle class is in
shambles. Wealth is concentrated in a few hands, mostly Tigreans. The TPLF controls almost all natural resources.

In a similar vein the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace opined that “The EPRDF position of power remains fundamentally fragile, owning primarily to the internal contradictions of the EPRDF regime.” Consequently, the regime is incapable and unable to meet the basic needs of citizens.

Against these dire conditions, migrant workers face enormous problems in Ethiopia. History is likely to repeat itself. Three years ago, those who returned to Ethiopia from Saudi Arabia found themselves in a worst condition and thus returned to Saudi Arabia and other countries in droves. At the time, Human Rights Watch and other human rights groups reported degrading conditions, indescribable human rights abuses by police and gangs in Saudi detention camps. The current deportation order might be far worse than the last. Because the numbers are far greater and the decision is not reversible or flexible. On 19 March, 2017, the Ministry of the Interior of Saudi Arabia issued a national campaign under the title of ‘A Nation Without Violations’ and gave “illegal migrants” 90 days from March 29, 2017 to leave the country without paying penalties. According to the edict, “illegal migrants” who fail to leave within the time frame will be evicted forcibly or face other punishments.

What is the responsibility of the government of Ethiopia?

First and foremost is for the Ethiopian government to express outrage against this cruel and unusual punishment and to defend the human rights of Ethiopian migrant workers in Saudi Arabia. It is to urge the government of Saudi Arabia to treat Ethiopians with respect and dignity and to negotiate a reasonable, honorable and safe exit for all Ethiopians regardless of age, gender, religion, ethnicity, health condition, income level and marital status. On this score, Ethiopian officials are consistently numb and show zero interest for Ethiopian lives either at home or abroad.

The decision by Saudi authorities to “revive the economies of companies and establishments and protect small businesses and projects from illegal expats, while also reducing unemployment rates and creating a safe economic and social environment” might seem reasonable on the surface. After all, all nations serve their national interests first. Currently, Saudi society depends on an estimated 9-12 million foreigners to support the economy, especially services. The Middle East Monitor estimates that a third of Saudi’s population is composed of foreigners from a broad spectrum of countries including Ethiopia. These foreigners claim that they are “unpaid, underpaid and ill-treated” by their employers. Worse off among these are migrant workers and illegal immigrants. Those who protest for decent wages and decent treatment are often “flogged and jailed.” They are treated worse than “dogs.”

The world community and callous governments such as Ethiopia’s show minimal interest. Ethiopian officials are much keener to benefit from remittances migrant workers send to Ethiopia more than they show an ounce of empathy for their ill treatment. The Ethiopian Embassy is literally closed for business when it comes to migrant workers.

It is true that in 2013, international pressure and especially vigorous and worldwide campaign spearheaded by Ethiopian Diaspora groups, most notably by the Global Alliance for the Rights of Ethiopians in Saudi Arabia and now the Global Alliance for the Rights of Ethiopians (GARE) did a terrific job persuading both the Saudis and Ethiopian authorities to repatriate more than 160,000 Ethiopians.

Given the magnitude of the problem and the intractable root causes that push Ethiopians out of their homeland, Diaspora fund mobilization and support to repatriate more than 400,000 Ethiopians is virtually untenable.

The cost of repatriation must therefore be borne primarily by the government of Ethiopia. It is unreasonable to expect poor migrants who borrowed and used all family savings to migrate to Saudi Arabia to pay for their transportation to the country they left in the first place. The government ought to also entertain the notion of “regularization or legalization” of migrant workers whose skill sets are in demand within Saudi Arabia. It is inevitable that given lack of opportunities in Ethiopia, many thousands will renter Saudi Arabia, making the administrative costs of repeated reentry and expulsion prohibitive for the Saudis while tarnishing their public image perpetually and irreparably.

Further, the government of Ethiopia owes it to Ethiopian families of migrants to demand that the government of Saudi Arabia stop its barbaric treatment and abusive treatment of Ethiopian migrant workers. In 2013 Human Rights Watch and the Regional Mixed Migration Screening (RMMS) reported that returnees told them that “they were detained for weeks by Saudi authorities in appalling conditions with severe overcrowding, lack of access to air and daylight, sweltering heat and limited medical assistance.

Further Ethiopians suffered from “theft of migrants’ belongings, beatings, sexual abuses, rapes, maiming, flogging and killings.” Sadly, the government of Ethiopia never voiced concern let alone outrage. Given this negligence by Ethiopian officials, the international media did not report the atrocities.

Ethiopians should therefore conclude from this that similar atrocities will persist. If they cannot count on the government to deal with the root causes for their flight, it is unlikely that it will take a different position this time around. Yet, the situation in 2017 is even more ominous and much more urgent. In 2013/2014 165,000 Ethiopians were deported over the course of only 4 months. The United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDSA) estimates that at least 260,000 Ethiopian migrant workers returned to Saudi Arabia in 2016 alone.” UNDSA maintains a data base on the number of legal or regular Ethiopian migrants to Saudi Arabia, which in 2016 numbered 124,000. It does not have an accurate count of irregular or illegal migrants estimated at more than 4 times this number. Sadly, Ethiopians continue to migrate through Yemen and other locations, often risking their lives and human rights. Expulsions alone have done little to nothing to contain the tide.

Reports indicate that the government of Ethiopia has granted 50,000-80,000 entry visas to Ethiopians. At least twenty thousand have returned to Ethiopia. Depending on which source you believe, hundreds of thousands are in limbo and desperate. Reports indicate that Saudi authorities have begun to arrest thousands. These prisoners are housed in concentration camps where they face the prospect of communicable diseases, hunger and ill-treatment.

This humanitarian crisis requires urgent and concerted response from the global community in general and human rights groups such as UNHCR, Red Crescent, the International Red Cross, the International Office for Migration (IOM) and other non-governmental organizations. IOM is best prepared and equipped to facilitate the deportation process while providing sustenance to those in detention centers as it did in Yemen in 2013. It is IOM that quotes the much higher figure of 750,000 Ethiopian migrants in limbo and facing deportation immediately.

The sheer number of these migrants makes it virtually impossible for the government of Ethiopia to repatriate all of them at the same time. Far worse, Ethiopia does not have the economic and infrastructural capacity to accommodate returnees and to restore their lives. This is the reason why the government requested IOM to raise global awareness, mobilize funds, spearhead the repatriation effort, provide post-arrival assistance and assist in the reintegration process.

However, IOM cannot negotiate the terms of treatment of Ethiopians in Saudi Arabia or defend and safeguard that their fundamental human rights and human dignity. It cannot negotiate a longer grace period and time frame. Only Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its Prime Minister, Hailemariam Dessalegn can do these.

At minimum, the Prime Minister should make an official visit to Saudi Arabia and make a personal plea to the highest officials of the Kingdom. The Prime Minister should also call on his own government to establish a high level Commission of Experts to look into the root causes of the problem; and come up with long term solutions for this recurring tragedy. Ethiopia should change its national shame image by offering solutions to social ills rather than punish dissent and crush human rights.

In the meantime, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister should commit his government to repatriate all those willing to leave Saudi Arabia free of charge. The safe return of Ethiopians cannot be left to the government of Saudi Arabia that wants them out. Nor can it be left to a third non-governmental organization whose primary role is facilitation.

The government of Ethiopia can no longer mask the problem. It is a national disgrace. It should be honest and bold enough to tell the Saudis and the global community that it cannot accommodate this enormous demand without global funding, including funding from the World Bank.

The large Ethiopian Diaspora has a vital role to play.

• It should carry out a concerted global effort by seeking international media coverage by renowned entities such as CNN, BBC and Al-Jazeera.
• It should initiate a letter campaign to draw attention to human rights groups.
• Last but not least, the Diaspora should muster the courage to alert the global community that the deteriorating human rights situation in Ethiopia is the root cause of the problem; and that the global community should stop shoring up one of the most corrupt, inept and repressive regimes in the world.

In this connection, Human Rights Watch’s report “Detained, Beaten, Deported: Saudi Abuses against Migrants during Mass Expulsions” depicts the structural problems deportees face. “Many arrived back in their countries destitute, unable to buy food or pay for transportation to their home areas, in some cases because Saudi officials arbitrarily confiscated their personal property. Many of the hundreds of thousands of migrants Saudi Arabia has deported in the last year and a half have been sent back to places where their safety is threatened.”

Evidence shows that Ethiopians won’t be safe at home when they return. By all measurements, the condition in Ethiopia is more suffocating, hostile and unwelcoming than it was three years ago.

What should we urge the government of Saudi Arabia to do?

• Consider relaxing the departure date
• Stop beating, flogging, torturing and abusing Ethiopian migrants; and bring those responsible for injustice including rapes to justice; and treat migrants with due process of international law. In 2013 in a neighborhood of southern Riyadh, where the majority of residents are Ethiopians, at least three Ethiopian workers were killed and numerous maimed and beaten.”
• Improve conditions of detention centers for migrants, provide proper shelters, safe drinking water, adequate sanitation and food; and
• Allow the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to exercise its mandate to determine the refugee status of asylum seekers and entertain the noble idea of recognizing a large number of Ethiopians as political refugees similar to other foreign migrants and immigrants.

The post The Endless Plight of Ethiopian Migrant Workers: Death at Home and Dehumanization Abroad appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Ethiopian Advocacy Network Submits a Letter to Members of the Human Rights Council Urging their Support for L 38 a Draft Resolution of “Situation of Human Rights in Ethiopia.”

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Waldiba Monastery TPLF Spy

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By Shiferaw Abebe

As incredible as it may seem, Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) – the entity that has ruled Ethiopia for 26 years to date – has the international community in its bag with its claim of achieving a year-to-year double-digit economic growth and phenomenal poverty reduction for longer than a decade now. This dubious claim is one of the two atonements with which TPLF appeases the powers that be for the horrific human right sins it commits year round.

The powers that be – the U.S. and Europe in particular – have time and again accepted this claim as a worthy offering and looked the other way as TPLF kills, jails, tortures and dehumanizes its political opponents, journalists, human right activists, and peaceful protesters. If, from time to time, these major funders of the regime condemn its atrocities, they do it in the mildest form possible. Worse still, they undermine any effect their condemnation may have by, with the same breath, lauding the regime for its economic achievements and contribution to the war on terrorism, the other ploy with which the regime fools the world.

Very few Ethiopians fall for the regime’s anti-terrorism posturing, but sadly a significant number of them appear to be willing to give the regime the benefit of the doubt on its economic claims. A slice of them goes to the extent of consciously overlooking or downplaying the regime’s human right violations altogether.

No amount of economic growth can justify the death, arrest or torture of a single individual. Those who think Ethiopians should endure abject injustice, lack of freedom, routine indignity and dehumanization in exchange for economic wellbeing are either associated with the regime, are in some way profiting under the current system, or lack empathy to those who suffered and are suffering the brunt of the regime’s unjust imprisonment, torture, and killings.

That aside, the economic achievement the regime claims to have materialized because of its policies and actions has to be challenged in its own right because the claim, far from being accurate, is a work of deliberate exaggerations and deceptions. More importantly, this alleged growth, even if true, comes at a much higher opportunity cost as will be discussed later.

To begin with, no one can deny that there has been some economic growth in Ethiopia particularly in the last decade. Anyone visiting the country will immediately notice the buzzing construction activity in Addis and other major cities. The life style of some has also changed, for example with more Ethiopians owning a family car, a house or condominium. How much one would be impressed with these and other changes depends on their reference point. For many Ethiopians, their reference point is the Ethiopia they knew decades ago, which naturally magnifies the change they see now. If, however, one uses the rest of the world as the reference point, one would most likely have a much lower excitement if not disappointment about the economic progress in Ethiopia.

Comparative analysis – comparing Ethiopia’s economic performance with others – is important because it will tell us what Ethiopians have potentially missed for what they have gotten under the TPLF regime. But let’s first start with the basic claim the TPLF regime makes in its economic argument, namely Ethiopia’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has grown annually by more than ten per cent for more than ten years. As the Economist, citing prominent international economic experts pointed out, this claim is partly a hoax; Ethiopia’s GDP growth at best is half what the regime claims it to be. One need not to believe the statistics, but make note of the several real life indicators, including the very high unemployment rate the regime itself has come to admit in recent times. Given Ethiopia’s population growth rate at around 2.5 percent, had the economy grown by double-digits for over a decade, there would be a much lower level of unemployment in the country today given also the fact that the few key areas of current economic activity such as agriculture, services and public infrastructure are labor intensive.

In Asia and elsewhere, a double-digit economic growth has uniformly generated expanding and well-rewarding jobs for the younger and better-educated generation in particular. Those opportunities almost universally created a great and infectious sense of optimism and confidence about the future of their country. What has happened in Ethiopia since TPLF took power – more so in the last ten years – is quite the opposite. Seeing little opportunity in the hyped domestic economy, tens of thousands of youth are forced to leave their country each year for a precarious life in the Middle East and neighboring Africa countries. The dissatisfaction and discontentment of those who stayed behind meanwhile boiled to the surface, escalating into a widespread popular uprising in the last one-year and a half and panicking the regime into declaring a Martial Law, which is still in place eight months later.

Secondly, the much touted double-digit growth, even if it were true, amounts to much less when measured in per capita terms. For a poor country like Ethiopia, a GDP growth that is not measured in per capita terms is quite deceptive because it does not tell how much it amounts to when divided into one hundred million parts. That is why a recent media coverage about Ethiopia overtaking Kenya to become the largest economy in East Africa is pretty much meaningless. For all that matters, Kenya’s GDP, which when divided among its population is double that of Ethiopia, affords Kenyans a much better living standard financially, with better access to education, healthcare, clean water and reliable electricity.

Likewise, the nominal GDP the TPLF regime reports, even if true, is much less in terms of real goods and services because Ethiopia’s inflation for most part of the last decade and longer has been in double-digits. So much so that the livelihood of salaried people, for example, has not changed much, if at all, despite the pay raises they might have received over the years. The vast majority of the Ethiopian poor and fixed income earners such as retirees actually fare worse today than ten years ago because their purchasing power has declined with the rise in the prices of goods and services. Families that receive remittances from relatives abroad may have weathered the brunt of the inflation, but their relative wellbeing has nothing to do with the alleged domestic economic growth.

Thirdly, one also has to remember that, whatever growth there is, it is mainly financed by other people’s money. The country’s main production sectors – agriculture, manufacturing, and mining are nowhere near generating the level of real economic value and tax base to finance the infrastructure development that is behind much of the GDP growth. The public infrastructure projects – dams, roads, health and education facilities, waste management, you name it – are therefore largely funded by donations and borrowed money. As of March 2016, the TPLF regime had borrowed $21.7 billion (or over 30 percent of the country’s GDP) from external lenders. Including domestic borrowing, this figure rises to close to $40 billion (or over 54 percent of GDP). Ethiopia is one of 36 poor countries whose international debts reached unmanageable and unsustainable levels that the World Bank, IMF, and other lenders had to put together a debt reduction program under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative.

If the swelling debt is worrisome, corruption is a bigger problem in Ethiopia today. The absence of transparency, independent audit, and accountability means a good portion of the borrowed and donated money is siphoned off directly or indirectly by the endemic corruption and thievery at the top level of the TPLF regime. According to the UN’s Global Financial Integrity, an average of $2-$3 billion is leaked out of the country each year through various forms of illicit financial flows. The total amount illicitly leaked out of the national economy estimated to be $30 billion is equal to the total donations the regime received from the United States since it came to power.

Corruption is a common phenomenon anywhere there is a lack of democracy and rule of law, but TPLF has elevated it into a politically sanctioned crime. Ccorruption and rent-seeking activities are systematically instituted to result in an inequitable distribution of income and wealth in a manner that reinforces TPLF’s political hegemony. There is no clearer indicator of this than the fact that Ethiopia is perhaps the only country where a ruling party owns a business empire as big as the so-called Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT). Started with stolen and robbed resources from TPLF’s rebel days and later boosted by hundreds of millions of uncollectable loans from Ethiopia’s commercial and development banks, this conglomerate currently owns two dozen companies collectively worth over $3 billion. If this is not enough, TPLF also runs the Tigray Development Association (TDA) and Relief Society of Tigray (REST) each of which owns several thriving business companies.

Fourthly, whatever growth has been achieved, it has not moved the needle, so to speak. Ethiopia is still one of the poorest countries in the world, 172nd in GDP per capita, only ahead of 13 largely war ravaged African countries. It fares worse on the multidimensional poverty index that measures the percentage of people impacted by an array of poverty factors. It is at the bottom of a list of 102 developing countries only besting Niger, South Sudan and Chad. In 2014, a third of Ethiopians lived under the global poverty line, i.e., with under $1.25 a day.

To this day, Ethiopia relies on global donations to feed millions of starved people (about 8 million this year; 10 million the previous year). At the best of times, a third of Ethiopians are malnourished. TPLF brags about improving the logistics of begging and distributing international food aid, forgetting most every other nation on the globe is either food self-sufficient or has the economic and financial capacity to procure food from anywhere in the world to meet domestic needs and demands without much fanfare.

While such is the grim reality, the TPLF regime sells the promise of moving the country into the middle-income group by 2025, something that amounts to not much even if it were genuine. Currently there are only 31 countries in the entire world, which the World Bank categorizes as low income. The rest of 181 countries are either middle (102) or high-income (79) countries.

Moving out of the low-income category is not therefore something to brag about not only because the vast majority of the countries in the world don’t belong there anyway, but also many of the lower-middle-income countries are themselves poor. The middle-income category is so wide (ranging from $1026 to $12, 475 GNI per capita) that one has to move into the upper middle-income category to be out of abject poverty in a decisive way. Ethiopia will have to almost double its current GNI per capita ($590) to barely reach the threshold of the lower-middle income group – a tall feat for a corrupt and inept regime like TPLF to deliver – let alone reach middle of the way in that income bracket.

Finally, as a minority repressive regime, TPLF will never guarantee political stability, which is a necessary condition for economic security that is in turn a prerequisite for a sustained growth. There more economic insecurity today than at any time in the past. A small segment of the population, who are ethnically and politically connected to the regime, are doing fantastically well. However, since the regime cannot guarantee the security of their economic fortunes, they fear they can lose it all as fast as they gained it. This is a reasonable fear because any wealth or asset built through political favoritism can be an easy target for destruction during a popular uprising or nationalization when a new political system is established. This fear will exacerbate the capital flight that has already begun and is bound to slow down investment and growth in the country.

The opportunity cost of TPLF’s alleged growth

To argue that TPLF’s economic growth is exaggerated, inequitable, debt-ridden, etc., is to tell only half the economic story. The other half that needs more attention is the opportunity cost of this alleged growth. In economics, the opportunity cost of a given choice or action is defined as the value or the benefit that could be had if the resources committed to that choice or action were used to accomplish the best alternative choice or action there is. In other words, opportunity cost is the best alternative we gave up in order to pursue a given choice or action.

Given the rampant corruption, political favoritism, and economic incompetence and mismanagement under the TPLF regime, it will not be hard to find examples of major public projects where the opportunity costs were higher than the benefits from those projects. A good example could be the Abay hydro dam which TPLF hopes to use as a source of foreign exchange by selling the electricity generated to neighboring countries. In the absence of accountability and the entrenched corruption and thievery within this regime, there is a justifiable fear that the full amount of the proceeds from the export of electricity will not accrue to the public coffer.

Even if the country were to capture the full benefit of the Abay dam, a better alternative would be to invest the resources now committed to the Abay Dam for generating a stable and affordable electricity supply for the tens of millions of Ethiopian households who currently live in the dark and the countless small and medium size manufacturing businesses whose production capacity is hamstrung by the endemic power shortage. Access to electricity, like access to education, clean water, and healthcare would be a great equalizer across economic, social and political classes. The combined social, environmental, and economic benefit of this alternative would far outweigh the uncertain benefit of the Abay Dam.

At a macro (national) level, the aggregate opportunity cost of TPLF’s economic performance can be assessed indirectly and roughly by comparing Ethiopia’s key economic indicators with those of comparable countries in Africa and elsewhere in the world. Twenty-six years later, TPLF is often heard measuring itself against the Derg, which is an idiotic comparison, not only because the times and the circumstances are far apart, but also because the Derg, far from being the best alternative, is one of the worst regimes in Ethiopia’s history. Even then, if one had to compare the two regimes, TPLF would likely not be a clear winner; in fact, one could argue the Derg would have done better had it have the massive international financial support and relative political stability TPLF has enjoyed. Anyhow, this is not a point to dwell on here.

Instead, in what follows TPLF’s performance is compared with that of other contemporary regimes. First, Ethiopia’s GDP per capita is contrasted with five other comparable (low and lower-middle income) African countries (Ghana, Zambia, Tanzania, Uganda, and Kenya) using World Bank data. None of these countries make frequent economic headlines as Ethiopia does, yet, except for Uganda – incidentally a country that is ruled by longstanding tyrannical regime akin to TPLF – the other four countries outperform Ethiopia, not just in absolute terms but in their year-to-year GDP per capita growth too. This is evident from the widening gaps between Ethiopia’s GDP per capita and those of the other four countries as one moves from 1993 – when TPLF took total state control in Ethiopia – to 2015.

GDP per capita, PPP (Constant 2011 International $)

TPLF’s mediocre economic performance is more revealing when one compares Ethiopia’s GDP per capita growth with five developing Asian countries whose economic performance is seldom a headline, not as much as that of Ethiopia anyway. Ethiopia’s GDP per capita growth trails those of these countries by a widening margin over TPLF’s reign.

GDP per capita, PPP (Constant 2011 International $)

It is important to note that almost all of the above African and Asian countries were able to achieve higher economic growth, some of them moving to the middle-income category, in less time frame than TPLF has been in power.

Finally, Ethiopia’ is one of 48 countries the United Nations labels as Least Developed. Ethiopia is also one of 60-plus countries whose lack creditworthiness only makes them eligible for concessional credits and grants from the International Development Association (IDA). As mentioned above, Ethiopia is also one of three dozen, Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC).

Comparing Ethiopia’s GDP per capita growth with these groups and Sub-Sahara Africa reveals the same story. Not only is Ethiopia’s GDP per capita significantly lower than the average for anyone of the four groups, except for the HIPC group, Ethiopia is not catching up with the economic performance of the other three groups over time. In fact, the gaps are wider in 2015 than they were in 1993, a resounding verdict for TPLF’s poor performance.

GDP per capita, PPP (Constant 2011 International $)

A political solution for a poor economic performance

Politics and economics are intertwined in any organized society. In Ethiopia, today, the two are almost inseparable on so many levels: The TPLF regime controls all the real estate in the country, urban and rural land included; it is the largest employer; the largest procurer and the largest borrower. TPLF owns many of the biggest corporations that are major players in the national economy. Contrary to its pretense, the regime is fundamentally anti free enterprise. Politics rules every inch of economics.

The regime uses its political power to punish its opponents economically – individuals, groups, regions alike. It discriminates against regions that put up political resistance or support opposition parties in the allocations of public infrastructure; systematically undermining investments by certain private businesses in certain areas; and even by withholding medical and humanitarian support to “unfriendly” regions.

The ethnic political system has created a lack of security to private property, severely limiting inter-regional investment, trade, and tourism, hence also inter-regional transfer of entrepreneurial skills and business knowhow, all of which are essential for a sustained national economic growth. These economic opportunities have been lost over the past 26 years because they do not fit TPLF’s divide and conquer political paradigm.

Worse, the economic consequences of TPLF’s politics will outlast its life span. For example, the best resource any nation can have for economic growth is its human capital, a resource that is lost the fastest in a political system that stifles freedom of thought, creativity, entrepreneurship, and human development. Under TPLF’s tenure, Ethiopia has lost and continues to lose the cream of its educated and skilled manpower in all disciplines without exception. TPLF has systematically robbed Ethiopians the pride, security, and ownership of their country and have turned them into migrants and exiles. One cannot put enough economic value to this massive brain drain that will take a very long time to turn around.

There are bigger socio-political damages TPLF has inflicted on Ethiopia and Ethiopians. Their costs are incalculable. But on economic grounds alone, TPLF is not qualified to rule Ethiopia for a single day. Fundamentally, Ethiopia cannot prosper economically under a regime that is anti-Ethiopian politically. The solution is to remove it from power. Ideally, this would take place peacefully through the free will of the people, something TPLF will not allow to happen. The Ethiopian people are hence left with the only other choice – to remove it forcefully.

The writer can be reached at shiferawabebe1@gmail.com

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Lencho Leta

The founder and former leader of OLF and the chairman of the new Oromo Democratic Front (ODF) Mr Lencho Letta has been actively involved in uniting his Oromo movement with various Ethiopian opposition groups. His recent speech at the Ethiopian National Movement (ENM) conference in Oslo, Norway was filled with brutal honesty about our differences and the high stakes of ignoring the ongoing political crisis in Ethiopia. His steadfast efforts to bring diverse Ethiopians together and to create consensus among us should be applauded by all peace loving Ethiopians.

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By Prof. Messay Kebede

Prof. Messay-Kebede

A leitmotiv of ethnic politics in Ethiopia is the use of retrospective logic as an essential argument to justify its ideological stand. By this I mean the view that Menelik’s southern march, which is responsible for the creation of modern Ethiopia, was nothing else but a violent destruction of preexisting nations. Such statements as “Ethiopian colonization” and “the invention of Ethiopia” as well as the description of Ethiopia as “prison of nations and nationalities” all signify that modern Ethiopia has emerged on the ashes of annihilated preexisting nations.

Far from me to deny the violent and annexing character of the southern expansion. But it is one thing to point out conquest and domination, quite another to speak of eradication of existing nations. The present ethnonationalist discourse is a product of the derailment of modern Ethiopia. It does not predate modern Ethiopia; rather, it is what modern Ethiopia has given birth owing to its socioeconomic failures. What is in play here is a thinking that throws back into the past what is but a product, thereby transfiguring the effect into a cause.

Unsurprisingly, objections proliferate. The Eritrean insurgency, peasant uprising in Bale, the Oromo mutiny of 1966 led by General Tadesse Birru, etc., are events that not only occurred prior to the Ethiopian revolution of 1974, but were also eminently part of the general discontent that brought down the imperial regime. Agreed, but the whole question is to know whether these uprisings, including the Eritrean one, were really triggered by nationalism or whether they were part of the general demands of the Ethiopian people for equality, justice, and economic development. The fact that the forces that destroyed the imperial regime were inspired by the then prevailing Marxist-Leninist ideology suggests that social divides and subsequent confrontations were more based on class alignments than on identity politics. The debate within the Ethiopian student movement over the question of knowing whether the primary contradiction is the contradiction between classes or nationalities is proof enough that the issue of the primacy of identity politics was by no means a settled matter.

To be sure, groups promoting ethnonationalist ideologies were present, but their presence was marginal for quite some time. Precisely, their influence started to grow as a result of the Derg’s repressive policy and its utter inability to respond to the demands of equality and economic development. Stated otherwise, what was an issue of equality progressively grew into ethnic alignments as the new regime not only dashed all the hopes raised by the Revolution, but also aggravated all the ills of the imperial regime. Last but not least, the revolutionary regime could not even defend the integrity of the country: its shameful military defeat against armed ethnonationalist forces announced the beginning of the downward trend of Ethiopian nationhood in favor of ethnonationalist movements under the hegemonic control of the TPLF. Once in control of Ethiopia, the TPLF launched an active and deep-going ethnicization of the country, which is essentially a policy of divide and rule by which alone it could sustain its hegemonic position.

This is to say that ethnonationalism in Ethiopia is a product of all the above prior developments and occurrences, and not, as the retrospective logic claims, a fact that existed prior to the formation of modern Ethiopia. The correct expression is not “the invention of Ethiopia,” but the invention of ethnonationalist movements in Ethiopia. In so saying, my purpose is not so much to demean such movements as to assert that, as any ideologically driven movement, ethnonationalism is a construct by which elites vying for the control of power mobilize people. Still less am I implying that its posteriority to modern Ethiopia turns ethnonationalism into a negligible political nuisance. On the contrary, I am stressing the undeniable fact of changed Ethiopia to the point that any viable and lasting remedy for the ills of the country must include the ethnic factor.

Understanding ethnonationalism as a byproduct of modern Ethiopia is a theoretical position that has a great beneficial outomce. It views ethnonationalism as a protest rather than as a clash between incompatible or alien cultures. Protest is manageable being but a demand for reforms, however far-reaching the reforms may be. By contrast, the view that modern Ethiopia resulted from the sequestration of already existing nations has nothing to offer but the dismemberment of Ethiopia or, as the TPLF’s solution demonstrates, the preservation of a political unity so structured as to ensure the hegemonic position of one ethnic group. Obviously, this last solution does nothing more than defer the inevitable dislocation of the country.

To sum up, the retrospective reconstruction of Ethiopian history puts us neither in the path of peace and stability nor of democracy. Stability and democracy demand concessions and compromises, neither of which is possible with the claim that today’s Ethiopians actually belong to different nations.

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Massimo Calabresi

Time

 

The hacking of state and local election databases in 2016 was more extensive than previously reported, including at least one successful attempt to alter voter information, and the theft of thousands of voter records that contain private information like partial Social Security numbers, current and former officials tell TIME.

In one case, investigators found there had been a manipulation of voter data in a county database but the alterations were discovered and rectified, two sources familiar with the matter tell TIME. Investigators have not identified whether the hackers in that case were Russian agents.

The fact that private data was stolen from states is separately providing investigators a previously unreported line of inquiry in the probes into Russian attempts to influence the election. In Illinois, more than 90% of the nearly 90,000 records stolen by Russian state actors contained drivers license numbers, and a quarter contained the last four digits of voters’ Social Security numbers, according to Ken Menzel, the General Counsel of the State Board of Elections.

Congressional investigators are probing whether any of this stolen private information made its way to the Trump campaign, two sources familiar with the investigations tell TIME.

“If any campaign, Trump or otherwise, used inappropriate data the questions are, How did they get it? From whom? And with what level of knowledge?” the former top Democratic staffer on the House Intelligence Committee, Michael Bahar, tells TIME. “That is a crux of the investigation.”

Spokesmen for the House and Senate Intelligence committees declined to comment on the search for stolen data. No one contacted for this story said they had seen evidence that the stolen, private, data had actually made its way to the Trump campaign.

The House Intelligence Committee plans to seek testimony this summer from Brad Parscale, the digital director of the Trump campaign, CNN reported last week. Hill investigators in February asked the White House and law enforcement agencies to ensure that all materials relating to contacts between the Trump administration, transition team and campaign had with the Russians had been preserved. Parscale did not return messages requesting comment for this story. Trump’s press secretary, Sean Spicer, referred questions regarding the investigations to Trump’s legal team, which did not respond to requests for comment.

Both intelligence committees are looking at whether and how the intrusions could have furthered Russia’s larger strategic goals of undermining U.S. democracy, hurting Hillary Clinton and helping Donald Trump. During the run up to the vote, Obama Administration cyber-security officials took steps to prepare for widespread voter registration manipulation, fearing Russia might seek to cause chaos at polling places to undermine the credibility of the election. Current and former law enforcement and intelligence officials say Russia could also have tried to use stolen voter data to gain leverage over witting or unwitting accomplices in the Trump camp, by involving them in a broader conspiracy.

The House and Senate Intelligence committees held hearings on June 22 to highlight the ongoing vulnerability of the U.S. election systems. “I’m deeply concerned,” said North Carolina Republican Senator Richard Burr who chairs the Senate Intelligence Committee, that “we could be here in two or four years talking about a much worse crisis.”

A hacker at work (Shutterstock)

Cyber-security officials testifying at the Senate hearing acknowledged for the first time the extent of the Russian effort to interfere with the election. Twenty-one states saw such intrusions last year, a senior official from the Department of Homeland Security, Jeanette Manfra, said. None of the intrusions affected the vote count itself, all the officials testified.

That has not reassured some Hill leaders. “There’s no evidence they were able to affect the counting within the machines,” says the top Democrat on the House Intelligence committee, Congressman Adam Schiff of California. But, he added, “the effect on the election is quite a different matter.”

The Russian efforts against state and local databases were so widespread that top Obama administration cyber-security officials assumed that by Election Day Moscow’s agents had probed all 50 states. “At first it was one state, then three, then five, then a dozen,” says Anthony Ferrante, a former FBI cybersecurity official and member of the White House team charged with preparedness and response to the cyber intrusion. At that point, says Michael Daniel, who led the White House effort to secure the vote against the Russian intrusions, “We had to assume that they actually tried to at least rattle the doorknobs on all 50, and we just happened to find them in a few of them.”

Many hackers, including state-sponsored ones, use automated programs to target hundreds or even thousands of computers to check for vulnerabilities. But confirming intrusions is hard. As far as officials have been able to determine, the number of actual successful intrusions, where Russian agents gained sufficient access to attempt to alter, delete or download any information, was “less than a dozen,” current and former officials say. But that wasn’t the only worry.

“In addition to the threat to the vote we were also very concerned about the public confidence in the integrity of the electoral system,” says Ferrante.

Special Counsel Robert Mueller is investigating whether any laws were broken in relation to the Russian attack. The Congressional intelligence probes also seek to determine the nature and scope of the Russian espionage operation in order to protect future elections.

“The integrity of the entire system is in question,” says Bahar, “So you need the system to push back and find out what happened and why, so it never happens again.”

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ESAT Latest Ethiopian News June 22, 2017

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OPEN LETTER OF APPEAL TO: His Majesty Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud
The King of Saudi Arabia.

Re: Urgent Relief Needed from Saudi Arabia by Ethiopians whose Nation had welcomed Prophet Mohamed’s Family

Your Majesty,

Please permit me, first of all, to express my compliments and respectful greetings to Your Majesty and to appeal for your kind consideration of the urgent action needed regarding the desperate predicament being encountered by Ethiopians residing in Saudi Arabia.

I have no doubt that Your Majesty is aware of the fact that some 400,000 (some estimate over 700,000) Ethiopians residing peacefully in Saudi Arabia have been required to exit from the country within a time that is so short that it is bound to cause abuses of human rights unless your government takes an urgent action to avoid such a tragedy.

Please allow me to remind Your Majesty that Ethiopia is a country that welcomed Arab Muslims including Prophet Mohamed’s daughter and her husband to Ethiopia when they were persecuted in Mecca. It is a well-known historic fact that some 100 refugees from Mecca had been allowed to live in Ethiopia for as long as they wished despite an appeal by the Meccan authorities to repatriate them. It is also well known that due to the current peaceful relations, Saudi Arabia is benefiting from certain advantageous arrangements with Ethiopia. Therefore, I wonder, Your Majesty, if it is appropriate for Saudi Arabia to place such a heavy burden on Ethiopians who are engaged in peaceful work and life in your country.

I, therefore, appeal to Your Majesty to lift the sanctions imposed on Ethiopians to exit Saudi Arabia in a manner that is logically not feasible to achieve. Your Majesty’s concern for the respect of human rights and rule of law should be applied by ensuring that Ethiopians in Saudi Arabia are treated with the respect due to people from a country that has a mutually beneficial, historic partnership.

With the assurances of my most respectful regards to Your Majesty,

Yours sincerely,

Kidane Alemayehu

CC: The Honorable Donald Trump, President of USA;                                      CC: UN Secretary-General;

CC: H.E. Mr. Hailemariam Dessalegn, Prime Minister of Ethiopia;               CC: The European Union;

CC: UNHCR.

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• Local authority wants mining assets to be run by youth workers
• Order violates Dangote’s rights, executive director says

Alikote Dangote (b. on April 10,1957), is the Nigerian founder and president of Dangote Group

(Bloomberg) — Dangote Cement Plc, controlled by Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote, said it may shut its operations in Ethiopia if authorities in the central state of Oromia don’t reverse an order to cement makers to hand over control of some parts of their businesses to local young people.

Oromia state’s East Shewa Zone administration wants the Nigerian company to outsource its pumice, sand and clay mines to youth groups or be responsible for “any problems” that may arise, according to a letter from the authority to Dangote that was seen by Bloomberg and verified with a representative of East Shewa’s administration. The regional government sees the transfer of jobs in pumice production as a way to ease youth unemployment and quell unrest, according to the document.

Any mismanagement of mining infrastructure including buildings and excavators could “lead to total breakdown of our business,” Dangote Executive Director Edwin Devakumar said in an interview at the company’s headquarters in Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial hub, last week. The cement maker will write to the federal government this week to ask for intervention in the matter and will consider shutting the plant in Mugher, about 90 kilometers (56 miles) north of Addis Ababa, as a “last option” if this fails, he said.

There’s “no intention to displace any investment,” so long as Dangote is “working by the laws and regulations in our region and country,” Tekele Uma, head of Oromia’s transport authority, said by phone. “If anyone’s complaining about Oromia regional state, we’re ready to talk with them. Any investment can come. Any investment can go.”

Motuma Mekassa, Ethiopia’s minister of mining, petroleum and natural gas, said by phone he wasn’t aware of an attempt by Dangote to reach his office. An official at the federal ministry said Dangote should make an approach through “appropriate channels,” as opposed to through the media, asking for his name to be withheld, citing the sensitivity of the issue.

The Ethiopian government is searching for ways to reduce youth unemployment after violent protests by Oromo communities over alleged land dispossession, political marginalization and repression led the government to declare a state of emergency last year. Dangote Cement was among several businesses attacked during the unrest. The protests triggered a 20 percent slump in foreign investment to $1.2 billion in the six months through December compared with the same period a year earlier, according to the government.

The order to outsource mining is “a violation of our rights because the government has given us a mining license,’’ said Devakumar, who was Dangote’s chief executive officer until 2015. “If I don’t have limestone and additives my cement plant is useless.”

Although the disputes haven’t forced Nigeria’s biggest listed company to halt production, it will miss targets if the impasse isn’t broken, the executive director said. Disruption in pumice flows will reduce output and trigger job cuts, Devakumar said. Dangote employs about 1,500 workers directly in the country, while an estimated 15,000 people earn a living indirectly through the firm’s cement and mining facilities, he said.

The disagreement is also hampering Dangote’s Ethiopian expansion plans. The company has stopped an advance payment on a contract to double production capacity of the 2.5 million metric-ton per year plant after signing an agreement, Devakumar said.

The company has spent more than $700 million in the country and is “discouraged from investing more,” he said.

Ethiopia’s government said in February it’s only likely to attract $3.2 billion of foreign direct investment this year, compared with a target of $3.5 billion.

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My Story- Fitawrari Mekonnen Dori – Pt 1 -SBS Amharic

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