ESAT Latest Ethiopian News January 30, 2018

By  Alemayehu G. Mariam

Author’s Note: This is the third installment in a three-part series on prospects for “mediation”, “reconciliation” and “negotiation” with the ruling Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (T-TPLF). I have explained the purposes of the series in the Author’s Note of Part I and Part II.

In Part III here, I aim to sketch out the general outlines for a national reconciliation process in Ethiopia which I hope will evolve into a roadmap for genuine truth and reconciliation.

The series on truth and reconciliation in Ethiopia will continue indefinitely.

I had initially anticipated that I could sketch out my views in three commentaries, but indeed had underestimated the task. Given the enormous importance of the issue, I have decided to continue the series indefinitely with the aim of providing civic education and sharing my views on truth and reconciliation to my readers and all Ethiopians.

I dedicate the series to all of Ethiopia’s youth that have made the ultimate sacrifice to free their country from minority ethnic apartheid rule and those struggling, going to jail and dying  every day to establish a democratic society based on the rule of law.

I also intend the series to be a trifling memorandum to history recording that I did what little I could with my puny pen to help guide the Ethiopian people avoid civil war and achieve civil peace; to abandon the path of revenge for the path of reconciliation; to find justice in truth and truth in justice; to choose the Beloved Community Martin Luther King talked about over the land of hate and wrath Ethiopia has become under a ruthless thugtatorship.

Special Note: I hear complaints from some, from time to time, that my writings are too long and difficult to understand. I am urged to keep them to a few hundred words.

I respectfully ask those who complain about the length of my commentaries not to read or even attempt to read them. I am not writing for the inquiring minds of the National Enquirer. I am writing for those who have inquiring minds about the Nation of Ethiopia! I urge those having difficulty reading and understanding my prose to try a little harder. I am also aware that there are some who cannot handle the naked truth and feel sandblasted by my commentaries every week and want me to stop writing. If they stop lying about Ethiopia, I will stop telling the truth about them.

For me, speaking and writing about Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people is a passion, a sacred duty for which I have been divinely blessed. I write not only for the present generation but also generations to come. These are my chronicles of the time of pain and suffering of the Ethiopian people as I have observed them from a very long distance. But time and space do not mean much to me when it comes to Ethiopia. Suffice it to say, you can take the boy out of the country and keep him away for one-half century, but there is no way on earth you can take the country out of the boy even if you announce on international radio that you have “doubts about the Ethiopian-ness” of that PROUD  boy.

I am filled with unbridled optimism about the future of Ethiopia. In July 2012, I wrote  about my “Dreams of an Ethiopia at Peace”.  In January 2017, I issued an appeal to all Ethiopians to “Dare to Dream With Me About the New Ethiopia in 2017”. Today, peace is at hand and the twilight of the nightmare of ethnic apartheid is visible over the horizon under the shimmering  glow of Ethiopiawinet.

I have no doubts all Ethiopians will reconcile because they are wrapped up in a single garment of destiny, as MLK would say. They will reconcile because truth will forever not hang on the scaffold nor wrong remain forever on the throne.

Ethiopia’s youth (Cheetahs) united can never be defeated!

Ethiopiawinet TODAY, Ethiopiawinet TOMORROW, Ethiopiawinet FOREVER!

“A luta continua… … A vitória é certa.” (“The struggle continues… …victory is certain”.)

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No people [in the world] will remain smothered, meaning oppressed, for ages. It is [a] universal [truth]. No people, to the extent that they are people [human beings] and [as evident] in world history will not remain [like an inanimate object] in one place, they will not stay put in one place as one [an oppressor] may want them. When they [people] become very bitter, they explode. This is a universal truth. There are no people who will not rise up when they become bitter [can’t take it anymore]. Historically. Now. And in the future. — Aboy Sebhat Nega, T- TPLF czar, mastermind, kingpin, godfather, guru, power-behind-the-throne and capo di tutti capi (boss of all bosses) (2015).

Could there be reconciliation when “there is no government” (“mengist yelem”)?

The prophesy of the T-TPLF Godfather Sebhat Nega is coming to pass before our eyes. “No people in the world will remain smothered, oppressed, for ages.  When they people become very bitter, they explode. This is a universal truth.”

In my August 2016 commentary, “The Volcano, the Beast and the Tiger”, I wrote about the Ethiopian powder keg with a slow burning fuse attached to the T-TPLF.

In my May 2017 commentary, “The Good Kops/Bad Kops T-TPLF Con Game (Over)”, I pointed out the irrefutable fact that the T-TPLF today barely clings to dear political life sitting on a powder keg holding by a thread it calls a “state of emergency” decree.

Today, the people of Ethiopia are exploding in every hamlet, town and city.

In 2018, the T-TPLF has only two choices: Armageddon or Reconciliation with the rest of the Ethiopian people before it is too, too late and save itself from its own arrogance, hubris and the tragic errors of its ways.

Perhaps it is too late, too little to do anything. Reconciliation may be a day late and a dollar short. The practical question is whether the Wounded Beast is in any shape to do reconciliation with anyone (including its members and partners) as it writhes in its death throes.

The evidence showing the T-TPLF slowly imploding and self-destructing under the weight of its corruption, competing of political ambitions and fraternal warfare is self-evident.

Ethiopia today is a stateless state, a failed state, a make-believe state.

In Ethiopia today, “Mengist yelem!” (There is no government.)

Rene Lefort captured the current situation in his perceptively cogent November 2016 piece, “Ethiopia’s Crises”. Lefort argued:

People have stopped taking notice of anything the ruling power says, seeing it as incapable of handling the situation. In short, trust has gone… Both in central government and in the regional authorities, or between one and the other, authority has dramatically deflated…  The man in the street could only conclude: “Mengist yelem!” – “Authority [Government] has disappeared!”. This perception, initially confined to the cities, is increasingly reaching into the rural areas as they open up more and more… The government’s primary role is to maintain law and order, and it has proved incapable of doing so; worse still, the violence of repression is further fueling discontent. In the end, rather than fulfilling its first duty, the ruling power has become the principal cause of revolt.

The T-TPLF is said to be divided into two unyielding factions both seeking to destroy each other, consolidate power and become dominant by securing a support base in the security services and the military.

Over the past months, the T-TPLF bosses have been engaged in a series of meetings and conferences presumably aimed at improving the organization’s structure and process and to conduct “self-criticism”, a relic of Marxism-Leninism aimed at getting rid of bad practices and instituting good ones. But it appears those meetings have resulted in significant purges from the executive committee of the party including two powerful figures, Azeb Mesfin, the widow of the TPLF mastermind Meles Zenawi and Abay Woldu, TPLF chairman, who was replaced by Debretsion Gebremichael (currently wallowing in an international prostitution scandal.) The warring factions are cannibalizing each other by leaking highly secret and damaging information as they fight for dominance and supremacy. The rank and file in the vast patronage system are forced to choose sides making the possibility of a sudden implosion imminent. In short, the T-TPLF has become a dog-eat-dog organization. They are at the end of their rope.

It is said that a faction of the T-TPLF is so desperate that it was forced to recall Seeye Abraha from exile. Seeye was one of the original founders of the TPLF and later served as defense minister. In an intense political struggle following the Ethio-Eritrean war of the late 1990s, Meles Zenawi jailed him for six years on corruption charges. After his release, he was forced into exile where he remained for the past six years. Seeye had a strong support base in the TPLF before his fallout with Meles. Perhaps those elements are in ascendance now and may have invited him back for a payback, the coup de grace, the final blow against those who humiliated and railroaded him to prison. I don’t know. Time will tell whether Seeye proves to be the knight in shining lance and armor atop a white horse saving the TPLF, or the winning faction, from itself or hasten its demise.

What we have today is a T-TPLF Emperor with new (no) clothes. The proverbial Emperor was told by a clever tailor he would make him a glorious outfit which is visible only to smart people. The tailor pretended to be making clothes for the Emperor who could see he is naked but did not want to admit it fearing he would be called a fool. His courtiers also praised the new (no) clothes. The Emperor went into the street to be greeted by his people. The crowd went wild praising the Emperor’s new clothes until a child called out, “But the Emperor has no clothes!” Everyone then admitted it was a scam.

The T-TPLF pretends to be a government, acts like a government and talks like a government. Everyone says, “The Ethiopian government…” Laughably, even opposition leaders and groups talk about the “Ethiopian government”. But the simple truth is, in Ethiopia, “Mengist yelem!” There is no government! The TPLF is a scam!

The TPLF house is a hot mess. To complicate things, the T-TPLF itself believes there is no government as it implodes into warring factions. But collectively, regardless of who wins the internal factional wars, they perceive their situation as terminally desperate. They survived and thrived for over a quarter of a century following the maxim, “All for one and one for all.” Today, the TPLF follows the maxim, “All deck rats,  abandon sinking ship!”

The TPLFers feel trapped like a rat on sinking ship unable to jump. They feel they are between a rock and the deep blue sea. They feel the walls are closing in on them. They believe the other ethnic groups are ganging together for their eventual destruction. They can plainly see the people are not afraid of them or their guns and helicopter gunships. As the old saying goes, “A dead donkey fears no hyenas.” The T-TPLF has made donkeys out of Ethiopians, their beast of burden. But the people are fighting back with civil disobedience, nonviolent resistance and noncooperation. The TPLF can see before their eyes their ethnic apartheid system dissolving day by day and their dream of becoming masters of Ethiopia until kingdom come fading into the trash bin of history. The TPLF is in its death throes from self-inflicted wounds and wounds that boomeranged on it from a quarter century of crimes and corruption.

Therein lies the greatest danger for Ethiopia. How to reconcile with a Wounded Beast in its death throes?

A wounded beast of the wilderness or the politically wounded beast will react in irrational ways if it sees no way out. It becomes desperate and dangerous. Even a rat when cornered and has no means of escape will attack until it can attack no more. The T-TPLF is now a cornered wounded rat. They are massacring innocent unarmed citizens by the dozens every day because they feel they can get out of the hot mess they created over the past quarter century by killing and massacring innocent unarmed citizens. Just last week, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights condemned the massacres in Woldiya City in Amhara regional state.

So, I come to the million dollar question: Is it possible to discuss reconciliation with a Wounded Beast in its death throes? Which one of the various factions of the Wounded Beast will be available for reconciliation dialogue?

Under these circumstances, could talk of national reconciliation be nothing more than shadowboxing a naked emperor.

Hard Talk: Whether real reconciliation (not fake, not make-believe, not pseudo) is perceived as possible and desirable by the Ethiopian people today or if reconciliation is just con game played among the elites

In my conversations with the common folks, I get the impression that they feel the time for real reconciliation is long gone and any talk about reconciliation today is merely window dressing by those teetering on the precipice of power and others jockeying for power.

The common folk tell me that if the TPLF was really interested in reconciliation it could have done it decades ago. For the TPLF, reconciliation is nothing more than a game of delay and buying more time to consolidate power while making cosmetic changes. So, they feel any reconciliation with the TPLF will be a fake, pseudo and make-believe reconciliation that could only prolong the days of the TPLF in power and throw ice water over the fire of popular resistance and grassroots struggle.

In light of what appears to be prevailing doubt among the common folk, a few hard questions need to be asked at the outset: 1) Is reconciliation a practical option in Ethiopia today given the rapidly deteriorating crises?  2) Are those who are jumping on the reconciliation bandwagon driven by wishful thinking and fear of the unimaginable alternative? 3) How well-informed are the people daydreaming about reconciliation and how much substantive knowledge do they have about the process, problems, challenges, opportunities and mechanics of reconciliation from the experiences and experiments of other countries? Is reconciliation the only game in town at this point in Ethiopian history which everyone must play? Are the foreign and domestic elites pushing an uncertain and vague agenda of “reconciliation” on the people? Is reconciliation really possible with all of the TPLF massacres and violence against unarmed citizens taking place  in real time? Is negotiating with the TPLF the same as clapping with one hand?

The fact of the matter is that in the real world of the people I talk to keep me grounded and not be lost with my ilk in the ivory towers wearing rose-colored lenses have reasonable doubt about the whole idea of reconciliation with the TPLF.  They keep me humble with their wisdom rooted in experience. They make a lot of sense.

First, it is true that they do not know what “reconciliation” means in practice. Few of the learned elites and political leaders have attempted to explain it to them. No one has asked their views nor have they volunteered it. What is clear is that they are sick and tired of being sick and tired of the TPLF.

Second, they are completely doubtful about any reconciliation with the TPLF that could result in a fundamental democratic restructuring of power. I interpret that to mean, they simply do not believe the TPLF’s ethnic apartheid system could be dismantled as the TPLF will fight tooth and nail to maintain it.

Third, they tell me that given the apparent TPLF internal division between the hard-core that wants to kill its way out of the crises and the not-so-hard-core faction willing to democratize and share power, the two would neutralize each other making any meaningful reconciliation process impossible. In other words, if one TPLF faction makes a separate peace, the other faction will wage a separate war.

Fourth, I am told the TPLF’s satellite parties are today coming of age and asserting their “adulthood” principally under extreme pressure by the youth. They are no longer willing to be treated by the TPLF like wayward children who must be guided and disciplined. They have their own ideas and plans of action. They want to be in complete charge of running their own affairs without TPLF intervention or interference. They are challenging the very fabric of ethnic federalism and openly choosing Ethiopiawinet. They are with the TPLF in body only. For all intent and purposes their marriage to the TPLF has ended. They are only waiting for the divorce decree from the people.  If  reconciliation between the TPLF (EPRDF) marriage partners is not possible, how could it be possible with the rest of the country?

Fifth, I am told that those pretending to represent the opposition in negotiations with the TPLF are either self-designated or indirectly selected by the TPLF to play a part in the political drama staged by the TPLF. They are not elected or authorized by the people. They are   engaged in political fraud. They are not legitimate and are more interested in looking out for their interests than the peoples’ interest. They should be exposed and condemned as opportunists and rogues.

Sixth, I am told the burning issues in the minds of the man and woman on the streets and country roads is not reconciliation but runaway inflation, skyrocketing cost of living, a devalued currency, rising unemployment, exorbitantly expensive housing and the rest of it. Indeed, inflation reported to be 6.1 percent in January 2016 had more than doubled by December 2017 to 13.6 percent.

So, the simple question is this: Do angry and hungry people want to feed on talk and empty promises of reconciliation?

My irrevocable commitment to truth and reconciliation

I still believe truth and reconciliation is possible despite evidence and opinion to the contrary.

I am not a Johnny-come-lately to the issue of reconciliation and the need for a reconciliation process to return Ethiopia to a peaceful, just and democratic society. I started my personal struggle for human rights and the rule of law by declaring my core belief that nonviolent struggle was the only way we could achieve a just and lasting peace.

In my very first public statement in July 2006, I declared, “I believe we prove the righteousness of our cause not in battlefields soaked in blood and filled with corpses, but in the living hearts and thinking minds of men and women of good will.” For me, from day 1, it has been a struggle for hearts and minds of Ethiopian men and women of good will. It has been about truth and reconciliation, first and foremost, in hearts and minds.

In July 2012, I wrote about my “Dreams of an Ethiopia at Peace”.  I also made a prediction about the “volcanic pressure building up slowly but surely in Ethiopia. We see small precursor eruptions here and there.  Public dissatisfaction with the status quo has turned to utter public desperation. People cannot afford the basic necessities of life as inflation and cost of living soar to new heights. Corruption, abuse of power, massive repression and poor governance are about to blast the dome on the grumbling volcano. The situation is deteriorating by the day…”

In my September 2014, “Resolutions for the Ethiopian New Year”, I presented my case not for reconciliation, but most importantly, for a truth and reconciliation process and put out a call:

Ethiopians need to establish a truth and reconciliation process. I believe that process must begin at the individual and small group level. If Ethiopians as individuals cannot talk openly about the truth and reconcile, it is a pipe dream to hope for national reconciliation. I am saddened by the fact that those who have committed crimes against humanity and atrocities have written books purporting to document an accurate historical account of events without taking real personal responsibility for their role in the evil they helped perpetrate. They offer half-truths and hide behind the other half trying to project themselves as victims. They should strive to take a leadership role in telling the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth and serve as bridges of reconciliation.

A truth and reconciliation process provides societies with a painful past to come to terms with the crimes and atrocities committed in the name of the state and take individual and collective action to prevent its future repetition. “Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it.” Practicing truth and reconciliation is the only way to escape the doom of history. In 2007, I hope to promote such a process at every opportunity I get.

In my April 2013 commentary, “The Audacity of Evil in Ethiopia”,  I declared my “unshakeable belief that there will come a time in Ethiopia when the demands of punishment, blame and justice would have to be weighed against the greater good of peace, harmony and reconciliation. There will come a time when the open wounds of ethnic division, hatred and sectarianism must be healed and safeguards put into place to prevent their future recurrence.”

I have spent many years studying experiences and experiments in truth and reconciliation in many countries hoping someday I may be able to share whatever little knowledge I have gained in my studies. I hope to do just that in a small way in this effort.

In this series, I have argued the “impossibility” of reconciliation with the TPLF. It is not uncommon for lawyers to play the “devil’s advocate” (pun intended). Indeed, to make a convincing argument in favor of reconciliation, I have to make an equally vigorous argument against its possibility. The fact remains that there are many Ethiopians who reflexively believe it is impossible to reconcile with the TPLF. Period. Their point of view needs to be heard.

What makes my position somewhat different, without manifestly being self-contradictory, is that I believe and am committed to removing the “im” from “impossible”. Nothing is impossible among men and women of good will and good faith. That is my credo.

The truth and reconciliation show must go on

Despite the naked reality about the current crises and public wrath against the TPLF, the reconciliation show must go on, to paraphrase an American idiom,

Why?

Because TIME IS RUNNING OUT.

Time is running out on a peaceful resolution of the country’s crises as the TPLF continues to unleash its killing machines and dogs of war on the people.

The people have lost fear of the TPLF and they are coming out every day to show their opposition peacefully only to be greeted with a hail of bullets. But they continue to come out, unafraid and with their heads unbowed.

So, there are only two choices available: 1) a peaceful transition to democratic rule or 2) spiraling into a civil war driven by ethnic antagonisms.

I believe the opposition and the people want the first choice. They have been crying out for democratic rule for over a quarter of a century only to be slapped in the face by TPLF claims of electoral victory by 99.6 and 100 percent.

Frankly, I have no idea what the TPLF as an organization wants. If I were a betting man, I would say war.

Not long ago, the TPLF godfather Sebhat Nega, in one of his drunken stupors, reportedly said that the TPLF will never give up power they have gained with the blood of their fallen fighters at the ballot or in reconciliation.

Getachew Reda, a TPLF mouthpiece, also demanded that the Ethiopian people pay the people of Tigray for all their sacrifices. Reda forgets his TPLF launched armed struggle against Ethiopia to establish the Republic of Tigray. Now, he wants the people of Ethiopia to pay reparations. It is the TPLF that has massacred, jailed and tortured tens of thousands of innocent Ethiopians over the past four decades which must pay reparations.

But Reda follows good precedent. Mengistu Hailemariam also demanded payment of families for the “wasted bullets” used to kill their innocent loved ones.  How the more things change, the more they remain the same.

Beyond verbal statements, the TPLF bosses believe they have total control over the military and security forces and therefore could cling to power indefinitely and massacre their way out of any crises. But the TPLF today is facing a force more powerful than guns and helicopter gunships called nonviolent resistance. The young people of Ethiopia are coming out everywhere and facing TPLF fire with nothing but guts and courage.

The power of nonviolent resistance drove the British out of India and the communists out of Russia and Eastern Europe. The power of nonviolence does not come from physical capacity but an indomitable will, as Gandhi taught. More recently, Aung San Suu Kyi made an observation that is fitting to young Ethiopians waging a nonviolent struggle. “Human beings want to be free and however long they may agree to stay locked up, to stay oppressed, there will come a time when they say ‘That’s it.’ Suddenly they find themselves doing something that they never would have thought they would be doing, simply because of the human instinct that makes them turn their face towards freedom.”

Malala Yousafzai, the courageous 15 year-old Pakistani school girl who was shot by the Taliban for insisting girls should be educated and won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2014, in my view best expresses the situation of all young people in Ethiopia. In her Nobel lecture, Malala described her untenable situation under the Taliban. “I had two options. One was to remain silent and wait to be killed. And the second was to speak up and then be killed. I chose the second one. I decided to speak up.” She explained, “We were scared, but our fear was not as strong as our courage.”

Such is precisely the situation of Ethiopia’s young people fighting for their lives, liberties and futures. They will be massacred by the TPLF whether they speak up or remain silent.

The Ethiopian people, of whom 70 percent are under age 35, have reached the limits of their patience and endurance. They have come to a point where they have said, “Enough is enough. That’s it!” They are speaking up, acting up and flagging up green, yellow and red. The TPLF is spilling their red blood in the streets.

In making their statements, Ethiopia’s young people suddenly found themselves doing something that they never would have thought they would be doing. They stood up and declaring loudly, “Give me liberty or give me death.” That is how the TPLF has been dealing them death and destruction every day. But because they have indomitable will, they keep on coming for they can no longer live in an ethnic apartheid system. Lesson for the TPLF: For every innocent unarmed person the TPLF kills, there will be 10, 20, 100 replacements.

Of course, the alternative option to reconciliation is already in the making. I call it a creeping civil war or a “pre-civil war. The protests, demonstrations and public displays of opposition will eventually morph into uncontrollable defensive violence by the people. As the TPLF kills more and innocent citizens, there will be some who will seek revenge on other innocent citizens perceived to be beneficiaries of TPLF rule. The cycle of violence will go on spiraling until open ethnic warfare breaks out.

For every day the current crises continues in Ethiopia, it will be one small backward step towards reconciliation and one giant leap into the abyss of civil war, which is violence between organized groups within the same country.

That is why TIME IS RUNNING OUT!

Taking the “Im” out of “Impossible” and make reconciliation possible in phases

To make the impossible possible, one must do the unexpected, the counterintuitive, the implausible. Better yet, as Miguel de Cervantes, observed, “In order to attain the impossible, one must attempt the absurd.” Perhaps Nelson Mandela said is best, “It always seems impossible until it’s done.” It can be done because the absurd could potentially transform the impossible to possible.

In order to make genuine truth and reconciliation possible, we must attempt the absurd, which in fact is perfectly and compellingly logical.

I believe any genuine reconciliation process in Ethiopia must be accomplished in phases. To attempt reconciliation in one full stroke will be folly and an invitation to disaster. It is preferable to maintain the status quo than to initiate a haphazard reconciliation process that is doomed to fail.

Phase I (Pre-Reconciliation planning and preparation, Declaration of Principles)

There are no truth and reconciliation quick fixes. Truth and reconciliation is a laborious organizationally, physically and mentally taxing process.

Reconciliation that is not set on a solid foundation is unlikely to succeed. Engagement in a reconciliation process required adequate preparation and commitment to fundamental principles. I believe agreement among all interested in reconciliation on at least, at the preliminary level, the following principles and terms of engagement are vitally essential to ensure a genuine, successful, lasting and durable  reconciliation process.

The foundation of any truth and reconciliation process in Ethiopia must be the PEOPLE, the ordinary people who suffer the slings and arrows of outrageous TPLF abuse.. That is why I believe the only kind of reconciliation effort that has any chance of success in Ethiopia must be rooted and anchored and led by the people.

The first step in any serious and meaningful reconciliation effort must formally affirm and pledge to act according to the following and other similar principles:

There can be no reconciliation without truth. Therefore, there can only be truth AND reconciliation.

The people of Ethiopia, through a democratic participatory process, must be in the driver seat of the reconciliation bus.

The only legitimate reconciliation process could only evolve organically from people-centered, grassroots (not elite-centered) engagement process.

Reconciliation discussions must first occur at the local level allowing the people a direct role in articulating and framing the issues of reconciliation.

Reconciliation can occur among and between the people of Ethiopia, NOT between and among competing elites in the regime, in the opposition or in society.

Reconciliation is a desire and mandate of the people and not a special closed door discussion between leaders and elites whose principal aim it to cling to power or to  grab power.

The role of the political, academic, economic and other elites is to provide technical support to the people and grassroots organizations engaged in reconciliation dialogue and negotiations.

Transparency and accountability to the people is vital to the success of any  reconciliation process and practical mechanisms must be established to ensure transparency and accountability.

Prisoners cannot negotiate and therefore all political prisoners must be released as a demonstration of good faith commitment and expression of good will by the regime before any formal reconciliation process is launched.

Participants in a reconciliation process must have the authority delegated to them by the people either through an electoral process or other democratic process based on popular consultation.

To produce a genuine reconciliation process, there must be freedom of speech, of press and of assembly. The people must be able to freely engage in reconciliation discussion in the local market places, churches and mosques with their religious leaders, students in the schools and universities, in the military and in the civil service. Civil society institutions are vital to the success of reconciliation on efforts and must be allowed to function freely.

“In order to attain the impossible, one must attempt the absurd.” My proposal for a people-centered grassroots reconciliation process may sound impossible and absurd to some and downright crazy to others. That is why Mandela said, “It always seems impossible until it’s done.”

To be continued…. “Declaration of Faith in a People-Centered Grassroots Truth and Reconciliation in Ethiopia”…

31 January 2018 (5:00 AM  EDT)

World Justice Project (WJP) Releases 2017-2018 WJP Rule of Law Index

WASHINGTON, DC (31 January 2018) – The World Justice Project (WJP) today released the 2017-2018 WJP Rule of Law Index® which measures rule of law adherence in 113 countries worldwide based on more than 110,000 household and 3,000 expert surveys. Featuring primary data, the WJP Rule of Law Index measures countries’ rule of law performance across eight factors: Constraints on Government Powers, Absence of Corruption, Open Government, Fundamental Rights, Order and Security, Regulatory Enforcement, Civil Justice, and Criminal Justice.

Ethiopia’s overall rule of law score places it at 16 out of 18 countries in the Sub-Saharan Africa region* and 10 out of 12 among low income** countries.  Significant trends included a deterioration in Order and Security.

The top three overall performers in the 2017-2018 WJP Rule of Law Index were Denmark (1), Norway (2), and Finland (3); the bottom three were Afghanistan (111), Cambodia (112), and Venezuela (113).

Globally, a majority of countries worldwide saw their scores decline since the publication of the last WJP Rule of Law Index (in October 2016) in the areas of human rights, checks on government powers, and civil and criminal justice.

Regionally, Sub-Saharan Africa’s top performer is Ghana, supplanting South Africa from 2016 and taking 43^rd place globally. Burkina Faso and Kenya saw the biggest improvement in rank among the 18 countries indexed in the region, climbing 9 and 5 spots respectively in the global rankings. Madagascar experienced the biggest decline in rank, dropping eight spots. Overall, the region showed the most improvements in Absence of Corruption, with four countries experiencing upward trends in this factor and none showing downward trends.

The WJP Rule of Law Index® is the world’s leading source for original data on the rule of law. The Index relies on more than 110,000 household and 3,000 expert surveys to measure how the rule of law is experienced and perceived in practical, everyday situations by the general public worldwide. Performance is measured using 44 indicators across eight primary rule of law factors, each of which is scored and ranked globally and against regional and income peers: Constraints on Government Powers, Absence of Corruption, Open Government, Fundamental Rights, Order and Security, Regulatory Enforcement, Civil Justice, and Criminal Justice.

“Effective rule of law is the foundation for communities of equity, opportunity, and peace,” said William H. Neukom, WJP founder and CEO. “No country has achieved a perfect realization of the rule of law. The WJP Rule of Law Index is intended to be a first step in setting benchmarks, informing reforms, stimulating programs, and deepening appreciation and understanding for the foundational importance of the rule of law.”

The complete 2017-2018 report—including country profiles, data visualizations, methodology, and download options—is available on January 31 at: www.worldjusticeproject.org/rule-of-law-index

Countries measured in the Sub-Saharan Africa region: Botswana, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Cote d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe

**Low income countries: Afghanistan, Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Nepal, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Uganda, Zimbabwe

ABOUT THE WORLD JUSTICE PROJECT:

The World Justice Project (WJP) is an independent, multidisciplinary organization working to advance the rule of law worldwide.  Effective rule of law reduces corruption, combats poverty and disease, and protects people from injustices large and small. It is the foundation for communities of equity, opportunity, and peace—underpinning development, accountable government, and respect for fundamental rights. Learn more at: www.worldjusticeproject.org

MEDIA CONTACT:
press@worldjusticeproject.org
(206) 792-7676

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Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban
African News

Dr. Merera Gudina a leading opposition voice in Ethiopia continues his political engagements across the Oromia regional state.

Thousands turned up to greet Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) leader over the weekend in the town of Ambo in the state. Exclusive materials shared by the Addis Standard portal showed how people from all over turned up at the Ambo national stadium to catch a glimpse of a political hero.

On his part, Gudina is reported to have thanked the people for pouring out in their numbers to meet him and also for their unwavering support during his incarceration. The largely peaceful event lasted a few minuted the Addis Standard portal added.

Key dates in Gudina’s political ups and downs

• December 1, 2016: Arrested after arriving from European visit
• December 30: Appears in court, denies terrorism links
• Feb 23, 2017: Charged with terrorism
• Later in the year, terrorism charge downgraded to multiple criminal charges
• January 17, 2018: Charges dropped, released from prison. Oromia erupts
• January 25: Meets German and U.S. embassy officials in Addis Ababa
• January 28: Returns to stronghold of Ambo to massive welcome

Addis Gazetta@addisgazetta

#Ethiopia : A hero’s welcome to Dr. Merera in #Ambo

9:47 AM – Jan 28, 2018

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Addis Standard@addisstandard

Exclusive Pictorial: Ambo crowd gives Dr. #MereraGudina a hero’s welcome – http://addisstandard.com/pictorial-ambo-crowd-gives-dr-merera-gudina-heros-welcome/ … The program at Ambo stadium lasted only few minutes, but Dr. Merera used the time to thank the people and the police for peacefully coordinating the massive turnout to welcome him

6:05 AM – Jan 28, 2018

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Beside his party political engagements, Gudina has undertaken significant diplomatic discussions. Late last week, he met with German and United States embassy officials to discuss political developments in the country.

The the over 400 days that he was held on multiple criminal charges, Gudina became the center piece of opposition defiance against the government.

He was also a constant name in diplomatic calls for Addis Ababa to release political prisoners and to open the political space. The European Union Parliament, U.S. lawmakers and rights groups continued to drum the call for his release.

Early this year, the ruling coalition announced a plan to release a certain category of politician prisonsers as a sign of fostering national unity. Of the over 500 detainees whose cases were dropped, Gudina was the center of attraction.

He has since stated publicly that it was in the interest of the government to follow through with promised political reforms. According to him, refusal to heed the call for true national dialogue will slip the country back into state of protests.

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By Gonj ze Wadla

As African heads of state convene in Addis Ababa to attend the 30th ordinary session of AU’s summit, their host, the Ethiopian government, is engaged in a violent crackdown of popular protests in the northern part of the country. The latest round of protests erupted after security forces killed dozens of civilians in Woldya, a small town 500 kms north of the capital, while partaking in the annual religious procession of Timket. The cause of the killing is anti-government songs heard during the procession. Angered by the rare expression of public dissent, the security forces shot dead more than 20 civilians. Among the dead are Yosef Eshetu, a 12 year old school boy, and Gebremeskel Getachew, a 35 year old respected business man whose body was riddled with five bullets. The protests have since expanded to nearby towns, contributing to the rise of civilian death toll and destruction of properties belonging to supporters of the ruling Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).

The political context

Ethiopia is a country of over 100 million people. It is a culturally and linguistically diverse nation. The incumbent, the EPRDF, came to power in 1991 after deposing the socialist military regime of Mengistu Hailemariam. The EPRDF is credited for building Ethiopia’s economy and instituting a semblance of constitutional democracy. However, the EPRDF is dominated by ethnic Tigreans, which account for less than 5 percent of the Ethiopian population.

EPRDF is accused of building a political economy that unfairly benefits ethnic Tigreans. Tigreans today dominate key political and economic institutions. Connected as they are with powerful military and security figures, party-appointed Tigrean operatives function with little regard to the law of the country, which encourages a culture of corruption and impunity at the highest level.

Moreover, through a series of stifling proclamations and extrajudicial measures, the EPRDF has debilitated the multi-party political space. Today, credible opposition political figures are either dead, in jail, or in exile. The EPRDF government performs consistently poorly in international human rights, democracy and transparency rankings.

It is under these circumstances that the widespread protest movements that rocked the Amhara and Oromia regions have erupted two years ago. Realizing the gravity of the situation, EPRDF’s executive committee recently sat for an extended meeting. Although it is impossible to know the details of the meeting, party leaders gave a press conference following their meeting, promising a series of reforms aimed at expanding the political space, including the release of political prisoners, freeing media institutions from party interference, and reforms aimed at democratizing the army and security establishment. However, the party has since backtracked on its promises, releasing only a negligible proportion of detained political figures and journalists.

Who are the Amhara?

The Amhara are probably the largest ethnic group in the country. Although the last official census put their number to 19 million, their actual number could exceed that figure. The EPRDF government is accused of deliberately suppressing their number to diminish their political and economic influence at the national level. In the 1998 census, the government has officially admitted to failing to account for over 2 million Amharas who inexplicably vanished from the census report. Despite the significant economic and political implication of this ‘error’, no attempt was made to rectify it.

Disagreements about their size aside, Amharas have historically been a dominant political and cultural force in Ethiopia. Occupying the northern half of Ethiopia, as well as the major cities across the country, the Amhara are the progenitors of the Solomonic dynasty that ruled the country for over 600 years, making it one of the oldest continuous dynasties in history.

The Amhara speak the Amharic language, which served as the official language of the Ethiopian state since at least the 11th century during the reign of Emperor Lalibela, who is credited for constructing the famous rock-hewn churches of Lalibela. Amharic has a rich literally tradition that stretches back to medieval times. Praise songs for the powerful Amhara Emperors of the 14th and 15th centuries have survived in written Amharic.

Their central role notwithstanding, the Amhara administered their empire in close collaboration with other ethnic groups of Ethiopia. For instance, during the reigns of Emperor Menelik II and Haile Sellasie I, ethnic Oromos occupied high-level civilian and military positions. Emperor Menelik II defeated the Italians at the momentous Battle of Adwa by mobilizing forces from all corners of Ethiopia. In fact, the Amhara, until very recently, were hesitant to identify themselves along their ethnic line, instead preferring their pan-Ethiopian, nationalist identity. However, the growing ethnicization of the country’s politics has forced them to embrace their ethnic identity and organize their politics around it.

Why are the Amhara protesting?

Although the immediate cause for the latest round of protests is the extrajudicial killing of civilians in Woldya town, the Amhara allege far deeper political and economic grievances. When the EPRDF took power in 1991, it redrew the political map of Ethiopia along ethnic lines, with the resulting polities organized into autonomous regional states. During this process, the EPRDF government chastised the Amhara by giving away their historical territories to other regional states.

For instance, the Wolqaite region, a fertile agricultural region in the north of the country whose inhabitants identify as Amharas, was annexed into Tigray regional state. The Metekel in the west, a vast agricultural and mineral rich territory, suffered the same fate having been incorporated into the newly formed Benishangul regional state.

One of the consistent themes that emerged during the ongoing protests in and around Woldya, as well as the geographically much wider protests of 2016, is the call for the restoration of historic Amhara territories.

Apart from these deeply rooted political grievances, the Amhara, not unlike the other people of Ethiopia, have longstanding democratic demands, including the expansion of the political space, respect for human rights and an end to the unfair political economy that unjustly benefits ethnic Tigreans.

Of particular concern is how the Amhara regional state has been deprived of state and private investments, despite the region’s natural and cultural riches. In a recent study by the World Bank on the spatial distribution of investments in the country, the Amhara regional state came off worse, having the lowest distribution of newly built road networks and access to electricity in urban areas. Government neglect has contributed to the strong sense of disfranchisement that permeates the region.

Addressing the crisis

To address the worsening crisis, the government must begin by withdrawing its army from Woldya and other towns. The ongoing extrajudicial killings must be immediately stopped. Security forces who shot dead unarmed civilians must be brought to justice. The Ethiopian security establishment has been operating above the law for far too long. That era of complete impunity must come to an end, and soldiers and officers implicated in the extrajudicial killings of civilians must face the full force of the law.

After these face saving steps are taken, the government must turn to addressing the substantive demands of the Amhara people, which include the restoration of historic Amhara territories, putting an end to the economic and political marginalization of the Amhara people and dismantling the current political economy that unfairly advantages Tigrean minorities. The political and economic demands of the Amhara people are both peaceful and constitutional. The government must address them in earnest and wholeheartedly. Anything less than a genuine commitment to address the demand of the people will only lead to more instability and violence.

Gonj ze Wadla,

Assistant professor

Ethiopia’s ethnic make-up

• Oromo – 34.4%
• Amhara – 27%
• Somali – 6.2%
• Tigray – 6.1%
• Sidama – 4%
• Gurage – 2.5%
• Others – 19.8%

Source: CIA World Factbook estimates from 2007

The post Why Ethiopia’s Amhara are protesting? appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

January 27, 2018

By Obang Metho

Is the TPLF willing to take the country down with them, thinking they could simply secede from the country as an escape plan and leave the rest with chaos?

Allegedly, the TPLF and some of the people of Tigray are seriously considering seceding from Ethiopia, believing they can no longer safely “lead” the country due to the rising opposition and ethnic-based resentment from large numbers of Ethiopians. They may have been shaken by the recent outburst of destruction of Tigrayan or TPLF government properties in the Amhara region in retribution for the violent killing of at 32 people by federal security forces in the town of Woldia, Kobo and Mersa. The reason? These young people in Woldia were singing anti-government songs. They were among the thousands of believers who had been observing the day of Epiphany, the holiest day of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church when believers come out to identify with the baptism of Jesus Christ. Amongst those who were murdered in Woldia was a 12 years old Yoseph Eshetu Tessema.

TPLF Extreme Sensitivity to Anti-Government Songs Leads to Deadly Over-Reaction and Destructive Retaliation from Others

Anger and outrage quickly resulted in the area in the aftermath of the slaughter of young Amhara, leading to the burning of buildings and property by others in retaliation. As details of their deaths circulated to other areas and regions, hatred and anger has increased; not only against the TPLF, but also generalized to others from that region. This is a very dangerous time and the TPLF know it.

Apparently, it is believed they will be safer if they “retreat” into Greater Tigray— an original long-term plan from the beginning— and let the rest of Ethiopia, in their own words, “fight it out” among themselves. However, the likelihood of such internal fighting continuing on is greatly lessened if they in fact secede, and can instead be interpreted as an attempt to shift the blame to others, despite the fact they remain the major, but not solo, contributor to a potential ethnic-based explosion of violence.

The signs are present that things may get out of hand quickly and if they do, the result could mean more killing, more destruction and even the possibility of a larger-scale massacre or genocide. If the TPLF did not also see the signs, the whole idea of secession would not be on the discussion table right now.

Can an Explosion of Ethnic Violence and the Destabilization of Ethiopia Be Averted?

Recently, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn gave a list of eight identified problems for which the EPRDF was responsible and promised to take corrective action. This announcement followed an 18-day meeting of the EPRDF. The day after this statement, he announced the EPRDF decision to release all political prisoners; however, by the next day, it was called a mistake in translation. Additionally, despite his prior statement to take corrective action to “fix things,” more than 32 of our young people have been massacred after the popular revolt in Northern Wollo of the Amhara region in the town of Woldia, Kobo Mersa and not only in the Amhara region, but also in Oromia.

What is going on in the upper echelon discussions of the TPLF/EPRDF? The back and forth decision-making appears to be evidence of the deep internal divisions rumored to be going on among the TPLF/EPRDF with the TPLF losing increasing power and control. Increased violence, broken promises, harsh crackdowns and now signs of secession signal the serious volatility of this situation where few can predict what will happen.  How can we help avert a potential crisis of ethnic violence and destruction?  Can the downward descent of the country be reversed?

The Rise of New Principle-Based Leadership

In the midst of this very dangerous scenario, another factor has arisen that is very positive— the emergence of newly strengthened, courageous and morally principled leaders, like Obo Lemma Megerssa, president of Oromiya Regional State, Ato Gedu Andargachew, President of Amhara Regional State and Dr. Abiy Ahmed who have crossed over ethnic divides to facilitate the formation of a new alliance between previously alienated large groups like the Amhara and the Oromo. This is significant and a sign of real hope!

In order to reverse the direction from violence and destruction to dialogue and justice will require leaders who will prioritize the larger interests of the country and of all its people. This is not about ethnic leaders, but instead means empowering servant leaders who will try to find a solution to the problem. We respect the fact that someone like Obo Lemma, Dr. Abiy and Ato Gedu are speaking for the whole, who thinks beyond one ethnic group, political group, region, or religious group, with the genuine goal of caring for the future well being of all Ethiopians. The goal is to prevent chaos, the killing of each other and the destruction of the property and infrastructure of the country while instead seeking dialogue, reconciliation and meaningful corrective changes.

Lemma is from the Oromo ethnic group, but he has spoken for other Ethiopians as well. The following is a translation of remarks given by Obo Lemma Megerssa: “We only have one Ethiopia. We have recorded it for history. It is when we [ourselves] change and work for change that our country changes. So therefore, to change Ethiopia we must change Oromiya. As leaders, we have our shares of duties and responsibilities. In all aspects of the economy, it is necessary and proper to take appropriate and corrective action. Only the truth matters. We must first give precedence to justice and affirm it. We must ensure respect for the rule law. It is not going to be done by godfathers jailing people here and there. Perhaps such things may work once but no more.

The following is a translation of remarks given by Ato Gedu Andargachew, President of Amhara Regional State, at the “Amhara-Oromo Discussion Forum” in Bahr Dar, a city in north-western Ethiopia, on November 4, 2017. “Ethiopians have used our diversity in traditions, ethnicities, religions, history and other things to build a house for ourselves and used our diversity as strength and mark of beauty, and not as sources of antagonistic division. Indeed, our diversity has been the amazingly distinctive feature and pride of our Ethiopiawinet. The strong bond in the mosaic of our Ethiopiawinet is reflected in the diversity of our religions, traditions, languages and cultural practices and common unity and our honored identity. The linkage of our unity over the ages has remained very strong. It is not something that dissipates like vapor [steam] that dissipates in the air. It is not a thing swept by the wind and scattered or easily broken. It is a unity that is deeply rooted. It is a great unity with immeasurable depth and strength. It is a powerful unity that is deeply rooted. Our forefathers who made and preserved our history were not without differences and not without their obstacles and hinderances. Despite their differences they kept our beautiful Ethiopia shedding their blood and sacrificing their bones, protecting her from invasion by the enemy. They chose to stand together not apart because of their differences. That’s how they gained victory together, grew together and delivered the country to us.”

We also need such leaders from Tigray who can speak on behalf of not only Tigrayans, but also for the best interests of all Ethiopians. In fact, we need like-minded leaders from all over our country to help save us from ourselves and any unrestrained emotions and anger. We have at times resisted such leadership, but it is the only kind of leadership that will bring peace, freedom, and well being to this country. The public should be informed about what kind of leaders to support. It does not matter what ethnicity these leaders are, but instead, if they are genuine and care more about leading in the right direction for the well being of all of us rather than someone who has  personal ambition for power or material gain. Let the public come out and call those who have already proven themselves to be good leaders who might step out to do the work and start a dialogue.

We cannot pretend there is no crisis in Ethiopia as the sparks are already being seen in various places. The temperature of hatred is rising daily toward the Tigrayan and the pressure cannot be reduced without moral, strong and principled leadership calling for calm, dialogue and common sense that can restrain the people from taking the matter into their own hands. The need is urgent. It is a matter of time and little time is left.  We especially need these Tigrayan leaders to join with others for a level-headed, inclusive dialogue so that all people can be protected now and in the future.

The relationship between young Amhara, Fano, and young Oromo, Kero, has flourished to the point it is has greatly resolved—thanks to them and Lemma’s, Dr. Abiy’s, Ato Gedu’s  and others’ contributions to that. They seem to have overcome the historical problems between them that the TPLF worked hard to maintain as a defensive tactic against the majority. However, now the common focus is not on the EPRDF as much as it is on the TPLF, who are now viewed as a common enemy; but it is now going beyond that to include all Tigrayans. Ato Meles Zenawi, his ethnic based party, the TPLF, planted the seeds of the ethnic hatred crisis long ago and they are now reaping a harvest of anger, but they are not alone. This crisis is now affecting all of us, including Tigrayans who have not supported them.

There is great expectation on the Tigray to speak out, but they are not.  As one Ethiopian stated on the VOA, “It is difficult for the Tigrayans to criticize the TPLF as they expect to be treated like the Biblical Ark of the Covenant that no one can touch without dying.” Tigrayans are not only facing the anger of the majority, but they also must face a weakening and cornered TPLF. How can we reach out to help them become part of the solution? They are our brothers and sisters and with God’s help, we can find a way to reconcile the past, restore justice and live together in peace.

The only way to do this is by dialogue, not violence, and for the Ethiopian people to think beyond themselves. It will take moral boldness, humility and courage to think beyond caving in to reactive emotions that lead to violence, killing and destruction; and to instead, trust in God’s way out of this dangerous time.

The highest call is a responsibility to think beyond ourselves;  to care about others in the present and future;  to put our lives on the line for the betterment of all and the greater purposes;  to protect the lives of others, to respect  universal rule of law, to correct injustice, to prevent destruction and to help bring a new different future. What does it mean to be human? Short term gratification of angry emotions will bring long term regrets and cycles of violence, vengeance, bloodshed and chronic poverty. We need a different worldview based on truth. The short-sightedness of the past led to a repeat of the past. Let us do it differently this time.

Ethiopia is at a crossroads. Will we find leaders who are virtue-based, moral, mature, who are not personally ambitious for power, who will speak the truth and help us restrain the worst, in order to build the better?  Anything less than that will be a boomerang— bringing us back to the same place.

The Call:

Will each of us stretch out our hands to God to seek wisdom, restraint and God’s best for our country? Will our people of faith pray for the people of Ethiopia to make the right decisions to avert the worst from happening? Will we pray for leaders of God’s choosing to be given wisdom and voice? Will we pray for our enemies? Will we pray for ourselves and all our Ethiopian family that we might become ambassadors of reconciliation and justice in a transformed Ethiopia?

Please spread this message to people beyond your own groups. We will not be complete as the family of Ethiopians until we hear the voices from all, like the: Aari, Agw-Awi, Alaba, Argobba, Bacha, Bench, Bodi, Chara, Dawro, Dime, Dizi, Fedashe, Gamo, Gebato, Gedeo, Goffa, Hadiya, Hamar, Irob, Kambaata, Komo, Konso, Male, Mareqo, Messing, Murle, Nyangatom, Oyda, Qechem, Shita/Upo, Sidamo, Surma, Tembaro, Tsamai, Yem Zeyess and all the eighty plus ethnic groups that make up the people of Ethiopia!

Today is a day of opportunity to make a difference. Will you put humanity before ethnicity or any other differences? Will you reach out to your neighbors and those beyond your own ethnic groups to care about their freedom, rights, respect, well being and future for no one will be free until we all are free? Will you start talking and listening with respect to each other instead of about each other so as to build new relationships that will lead to a new Ethiopia?

May God help us!

========================= ==========================

For more information, contact Mr. Obang Metho, Executive Director of the SMNE.

Email: Obang@solidaritymovement.org

The post  WHAT KIND OF LEADERSHIP IS NEEDED IN ETHIOPIA TO AVERT ETHNIC VIOLENCE AT THIS TIME OF CRISIS? appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

ወሎ የኢትዮጵያ ውርስና ቅርስ ማኅበር

Wollo Ethiopian Heritage Society
PO BOX 4301 • Portland • OR 97208 (USA) ፠ PO BOX 918 • Oxon Hill • MD 20750 (USA)
wollo.org; wolloheritage.net
====================================

PRESS RELEASE
February 1, 2018

Wollo Ethiopian Heritage Society (WEHS), a rights-based civic organization, is shocked and saddened by the brutal killings and mass arrests of peaceful demonstrations in several towns in North Wollo during and after the annual Epiphany celebrations. We are at the same time encouraged by the civil disobedience well underway to finally remove the 27- year-old, tyrannical, and supremacist Tigrean People’s “Liberation” Front (TPLF).

The facts in these fast-developing events of the past two weeks are clear enough:

• The recent uprisings emerged in the aftermath of the violent suppression of the peaceful demand by the Muslim community for the government to cease its interference in Islamic affairs, followed by the government-orchestrated attack by the TPLF-led Afar militia on the town of Kobo.
• The Woldia massacre (reportedly 13 killed and 7 injured) and mass arrests (of hundreds of youths, many taken to Tigray) continues to be perpetrated by the Agazi sharpshooters of the ruling party. Sadly, this was done against the advice of the Church and on one of the holiest days in Ethiopia—the Timket Festival (Epiphany).
• Subsequent public demonstrations by the youth in the nearby town of Kobo in support of the defiant youth of Woldia resulted in the killing of 7-13 youths, including a 12-year old boy on his way to the church
• A solidarity demonstration against this egregious abuse of power against peaceful protestors in the nearby town of Mersa escalated the toll with over 20 killed and hundreds of youths, businesspersons, and community elders were all taken to desert camps in the Afar
• The popular uprising has since spread to the nearby towns of Girana, Sirinqa, Meqet, and
• It is also reported that the TPLF is distributing weapons to the Tigrigna-speaking Wolloye in the illegally-annexed districts of Alemata and Korem. This desperation act to incite civil war by implicating all Tigreans in its genocidal and economic crimes against all Ethiopians is being categorically rejected by the people of North Wollo.
• That the entire Dessie-Alemata corridor is in a potentially explosive situation is indicated by the massive mobilization of the security forces in this sub-region of Wollo which contains some 3 million

The bottom line is that Wollo, Gonder, and Gojam have now fallen into a de facto emergency military rule. The civilian population is being subjected to warrantless searches, illegal house-to-house searches, preemptive mass roundups, indiscriminate assassinations, and confiscation of property—all done with impunity by crack troops trained in a diet of ethnic hatred and intolerance for any signs of dissent.

The underlying grievances of the mercilessly oppressed people of Wollo are ones that are widely shared by all regions of Ethiopia. The ruling TPLF regime is irremediably ethnicist, militarist, anti-Ethiopian, and totalitarian. For the past 27 years, the clique has acted as a foreign occupation force by insulting Ethiopian nationalism, especially but not exclusively targeting the Amhara for ethnic cleansing and genocide, meting out gratuitous violence and psychological torture to instill fear as a method of internal colonial rule, and looting public assets to build its proclaimed “home base” of Tigray and to enrich its core supporters.

The people of Wollo needed only a spark or two to engage in wide-ranging civil disobedience against the capture of their church and mosque, business centers, and local administrative institutions by the agents of the much-despised regime. They are also emboldened by similar defiant movements of popular resistance calling for a total systemic and regime change in Gondar, Gojam, Shewa, and large parts of Southern Ethiopia.

This is clearly the beginning of the end of an odious regime. We must brace ourselves for a tragedy preceding the end at least this dictatorship. To their credit, the savvy resisters have targeted the regime’s economic centers, military bases, and extensive networks of local spies. The struggle must, and will be, sustained. However, we should all be deeply worried that the calamity of the past two years may sooner than later turn into a catastrophe with the massive militarization of society.

WEHS, therefore, asks with a great sense of urgency:

• The United Nations Security Council to take up the sordid case of the intensifying massacres and arrests of peaceful demonstrators in every part of Ethiopia. In this

respect, we are encouraged by the unequivocal demand for access to prisons and camps issued by the United Nations Human Rights Council.

• The misguided supporters of the regime to stand on the side of the 100 million Ethiopians to force the TPLF and members of its coalition to transfer power to a legitimate transitional government to avert the slide of Ethiopia into civil war and even state failure. Moreover, the regime should be told immediately to stop deploying Humvees and helicopter gunships (supplied by the U.S.) and sharpshooters (trained by the United Kingdom) against
• Ethiopians at home (especially the civil-society organizations and opposition parties) and in the Diaspora to generously provide financial, diplomatic, publicity and moral support to speed up the demise of an evil
• The satellite group calling itself Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM) to purge itself of Anti-Amhara elements, enforce the rule of law by protecting peaceful demonstrators and end the military occupation and kidnapping of the children of Wollo, Gonder, Shewa, and
• The long-suffering residents of the Afar regional state to openly resist the occupation of the state by TPLF forces and join the national struggle for a genuinely democratic
• The Armed and Security Forces to transform themselves from the disturbing image of being praetorian guards of an anti-Ethiopian group into truly national defense forces who take a clear stand to defending the basic rights of citizens and the territorial integrity of
• Notable elders of all faiths to speak out publicly and courageously in defense of the internationally-recognized rights of all Ethiopians, and thereby pave the way for peace and national

On behalf of the families of the victims, we wish to thank all who have expressed their outrage publicly, are undertaking solidarity marches and strikes, and have initiated fundraising campaigns. Please work with us to ensure proper targeting and accountability of the financial support. Thank you!

We stand fully behind the courageous people of Northern Wollo in their darkest hour! The struggle for a united, democratic Ethiopia shall triumph against all the odds!

The post PRESS RELEASE…Wollo Ethiopian Heritage Society (WEHS) appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

The Trumpet

Ethiopia faces a high risk of failure due to continued political and social instability in the country, the Fund for Peace reported in its Fragile States Index Annual Report 2017.

Over the past few years, months, weeks and days, security officers have killed anti-government protesters, resulting in more anti-government protests. The latest point in this vicious cycle occurred on January 20 when Ethiopian security forces shot and killed at least seven protesters. According to news reports, the protesters were celebrating a religious festival. Then they started chanting anti-government slogans and hurling stones at security officers, who responded by firing bullets.

Reports say the weekend clash was followed by a week of more violent clashes, which resulted in the death of at least 20 civilians.

Much of this bloodshed in Ethiopia is based on ethnic differences and territorial disputes between ethnic regions within the nation.

“Limited attention has been given to outbreaks of violence in Ethiopia, as anti-government protests, particularly in the Amhara and Oromia regions, led to a declaration of a [10-month] state of emergency in October 2016,” the Fund for Peace wrote in its report. “The state of emergency was also used as a tool to crack down on political opponents and media.”

Activists say that more than 700 Oromia residents were killed when security officers clashed with people from the Oromo ethnic group during a thanksgiving festival in October 2016. A similar incident happened in October last year when security forces killed about 10 people who were protesting food shortages. In December, military officials reportedly killed 15 protesters in Oromia.

“Ethiopia’s overall Fragile States Index (fsi) score has been incrementally worsening over the past decade, moving from 95.3 in 2007, to a score of 101.1 in [last] year’s 2017 index, with Ethiopia—along with Mexico—being the most-worsened country over [2016],” wrote the Fund for Peace. Foreign Policy wrote on January 11 that “Ethiopia Is Falling Apart.”

In our special report Libya and Ethiopia in Prophecy, Trumpet editor in chief Gerald Flurry writes, “What is the immediate future of Libya and Ethiopia? We must go to the Bible for the answer—you will find it no place else.” These two nations are mentioned together in a prophecy in Daniel 11: “And at the time of the end shall the king of the south push at him: and the king of the north shall come against him like a whirlwind, with chariots, and with horsemen, and with many ships; and he shall enter into the countries, and shall overflow and pass over. … But he [the king of the north] shall have power over the treasures of gold and of silver, … and the Libyans and the Ethiopians shall be at his steps” (verses 40 and 43).

Our free booklet The King of the South proves that the “king of the south” in Daniel’s prophecy is radical Islam led by Iran.

Mr. Flurry continues in Libya and Ethiopia in Prophecy:

Why did God inspire the mentioning of Libya and Ethiopia? Every word in God’s inspired Bible has significance. … This verse states that Libya and Ethiopia are … going to be closely allied with Iran!

So you need to watch Libya and Ethiopia. They are about to fall under the heavy influence or control of Iran, the king of the south. That is why they are subdued in the king of the north victory.

That prophecy is easy to understand. The big question is this: Do you believe your Bible?

Why would Iran be so interested in getting some measure of control over Libya and Ethiopia? To me, the answer is intriguing.

All you need to do is get a good map of the Middle East, with the emphasis on the Mediterranean Sea and the Red Sea. Then you can see why the king of the south, or radical Islam, is so interested in an alliance with or control over these two countries (as well as Egypt and Tunisia). They are on the two seas that comprise the most important trade route in the world!

Whoever heavily influences or controls Ethiopia will undoubtedly also control the small areas of Eritrea and Djibouti on the Red Sea coastline. These areas only recently became independent of Ethiopia. Also, I believe the Bible view is that these small areas are included as a part of Ethiopia.

Ethiopia is in danger of falling apart—and falling prey to predator nations like Iran. As Mr. Flurry admonishes, watch Ethiopia. To help you with that, we would like offer you our report Libya and Ethiopia in Prophecy. It is available in five different formats, and all of them are free!

/www.thetrumpet.com

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Addis Standard

Bontu Bekele, the daughter of imprisoned opposition leader Bekele Gerba, first secretary general of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), told Addis Standard that her father risks “losing his left eye vision due to lack of access to proper medical treatment.”

A few days ago a picture of Bekele Gerba standing in front of a doctor’s office for retina treatment inside Menelik Hospital here in the capital. According to Bontu, the doctors at the Minilik Hospital told Bekele and his family that the treatment was beyond “their capacity to provide” and referred him to a private hospital where they said specialized doctors were available. Bekele was receiving initial treatments at the Qilinto prison clinic in Kality, the southern outskirt of Addis Abeba where he is currently held awaiting sentencing.

The Qilinto clinic referred Bekele to Minilik hospital, which in tern referred him to a private hospital called Biruh Vision. “The doctors told us Bekele needs specialized doctors to treat his retinal blood vessels which are severely damaged due to a high blood pressure he has been experiencing since his detention, which has not been treated,” Bontu said.

However, prison authorities told Bekele and the family that they “will not allow Bekele to be treated anywhere other than a government hospital”, a distraught Bontu said. “We don’t know what is going to happen, my father’s left eye vision is completely blurred and he is in pain.” As of late, Bekele’s blood pressure has been constantly measuring at 190/110. Medical indicators state the minimum threshold for high blood pressure at 140/90, while anything over 180/110 is considered “hypertensive crisis or an emergency.”

Bekele Gerba started to experience having high blood pressure during his eight years sentence in 2011. He was released in the first week of April 2015 after serving his time which was paroled for good conduct. In his first exclusive interview with Addis Standard, Bekele spoke about the times he began to have high blood pressure.  “During the first two three days soon after I was taken to Ma’ekelawi [prison] I started having severe headache and the nurses told me that my blood pressure was high. I had never had that experience before,” he said.

Background

Bekele Gerba is one of 22 defendants who have been charged with terrorism in May 2016, seven months after they were detained in Nov – Dec. 2015. Since then the court has acquitted five of the 22 defendants, reduced the terrorism charge against Bekele Gerba to criminal charges, and ordered the remaining 16 to defend the terrorism charges brought by the federal prosecutors.

His co-defendants: the 5th and 6th defendants: Abdeta Negasa & Gelana Negera; as well as the 15th to 21st defendants: Yesuf Alemayehu, Hika Teklu, Gemechu Shanqo (aka Dekema), Megersa Asfaw, Lemi Edeto, Abdi Tamirat, and Abdisa Kumesa were released following Hailemariam Desalegn’s promise to   release “some prisoners” . Many have expected  Bekele Gerba among those to be released, however so far no sign of him being released has surfaced; instead he and the remaining defendants including Gurmesa Ayano, another high profile member of the OFC, are awaiting the court’s verdict on February 05.

During their last court appearance the judges at the federal high court 4th criminal bench have sentenced four defendants: Gurmesa Ayano, Dejene Taffa, Addisu Bulala and Bekele Gerba, to six months in prison for “contempt of court” after all of them have fiercely protested the court’s decision to dismiss an earlier court summon issued to bring high level government officials as defense witnesses.

AS

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Tewodros Terfie and his team at the House Resolution 128

ኤች አር 128 በመባል የሚታወቀውና በአሜሪካ ምክር ቤት የወጣው ረቂቅ ሕገ ውሳኔ በምክር ቤቱ ለድምጽ አሰጣጥ እንደሚቀርብ ታወቀ

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BBC

At least five migrants have been shot during a mass brawl between Afghans and Eritreans in the French port city of Calais, local officials say.

A 37-year-old Afghan man is suspected of firing shots at a queue for food handouts. Four Eritreans aged between 16 to 18 are in a critical condition.

Hundreds of migrants have converged on the area in an attempt to cross the Channel to the UK.

A sprawling camp known as the “Jungle” was dismantled near Calais in 2016.

Interior Minister Gérard Collomb said the violence had reached a new level and accused gangs that try to smuggle migrants to the UK of instigating the violence.

This is the worst outbreak of violence between migrants in Calais for months, and the use of firearms is a worrying escalation of the tensions, the BBC’s Hugh Schofield in Paris reports.

How did the violence unfold?

The cause is not yet clear but an initial fight on the city’s southern outskirts broke out on Thursday afternoon, where migrants had been queuing for food handouts.

Around 100 Eritreans and some 30 Afghans were caught up in the violence, which lasted almost two hours after the shots were fired.

The four critically injured were shot in the neck, chest, abdomen and spine, AFP news agency reported.

Image copyrightEPA

A second melee erupted shortly afterwards at an industrial site around 5km (three miles) away, when between 150 and 200 Eritreans armed with iron rods and sticks clashed with about 20 Afghans, the local prefecture said.

Later in the afternoon further violence broke out at a food distribution point in an area of Calais not far from the site of the old “Jungle” camp.

Security forces were sent to the area and there were no reports of incidents during the night.

In total, 22 people were injured, including some with stab wounds, AFP added.

• WATCH: Child refugees hope to leave France for UK

Visiting Calais, Mr Collomb added: “There’s been an escalation of violence that has become unbearable for both the people of Calais and the migrants”.

The government would take control of food distribution, currently done by charities, with those groups working in association with authorities, he said.

Why are the migrants there?

Though the “Jungle” camp was demolished in 2016, hundreds of migrants are still living rough in the nearby woods, hoping to reach the UK. Many are young men.

Local charities put the number of such migrants living in Calais at around 800, while the authorities say there are between 550 and 600.

Mr Collomb urged migrants not to head to Calais if they wanted to try to get to the UK, saying their attempts from there – often trying to hide themselves in lorries – would be unsuccessful.

• What next after the Jungle?

The Calais “Jungle” became the French symbol of the European migrant crisis, and some 7,000 people – most from the Middle East and Africa – were living there before the area was cleared.

Earlier this month, President Emmanuel Macron and UK Prime Minister Theresa May signed a treaty to speed up the processing of migrants in Calais.

Mr Macron has said that France will not allow a new migrant camp to be set up in Calais, and French police have been accused of brutality by some activists.

He is expected to unveil a new migrant policy next month, which will include speeding up the application process for asylum seekers and faster removal of those who fail to be accepted.

Charities and some of the president’s allies have accused the government of taking a hard line on immigration.

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FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

The Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE) is pleased to announce the launch of its new report, “Ailing Civic Space in an Authoritarian State: The State of Human Rights Defenders and Cost of Dissent in Ethiopia.” This report aims to provide an overview of the situation of human rights in Ethiopia and to examine the increasingly restricted space in which human rights defenders (HRDs) operate, with particular attention to trends that have developed since the adoption of a series of repressive laws in 2009. While the Ethiopian government has made considerable strides in economic development, space for human rights dialogue has gradually disintegrated and many HRDs now face detention, torture, and harassment, while growing numbers now choose life in exile rather than remaining in the country.

After the highly controversial 2005 national elections, the Ethiopian Parliament enacted legislation that dramatically narrowed space for civil society, notably the Charities and Societies Proclamation, Mass Media Proclamation, and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. These three laws have been heavily criticised for their restrictive provisions, which limit the work of journalists, HRDs, and civil society organisations through broad language and severe punishments.

Over the past two years, Ethiopia has been rocked by growing protest movements in different parts of the country, notably in the two most populous regions of Oromia and Amhara, and to a lesser extent the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR). Security officials responded to these mass protests with excessive force, which resulted in the killing of over a thousand people and the arrests of tens of thousands of demonstrators since 2014. These actions triggered timid condemnations from Ethiopia’s key partners and outcry from international human rights bodies. The widespread and deadly demonstrations led the government to declare a State of Emergency in October 2016 that lasted 10 months.

This report aims to document the deterioration of civic space in Ethiopia and the restrictions on HRDs, activists, bloggers, and other media professionals, which can be seen as roots of the current political crisis. This includes actions undertaken to limit the actions of non-governmental organisations, journalists, lawyers, and other professional and non-professional activities that aims to further the cause of human rights. By documenting the deteriorating human rights situation in Ethiopia, it is the intention of AHRE to provide human rights institutions, civil society, and concerned bodies with adequate source material to direct their efforts in addressing the overall conditions of HRDs and work towards rebuilding and strengthening civic space in Ethiopia. The report also features key recommendations to the government of Ethiopia, European Union, African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, United Nations, donors, and allies.

Full report in PDF:AilingCivicSpace_large

Contacts:

Yared Hailemariam – Executive Director
Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE)

Phone +32 486 336367
Email: executive@ahrethio.org
https://ahrethio.org/

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A report published in Science Translational Medicine explains how the scientists came to this conclusion after observing stroke recovery in mice that had had their whiskers clipped.

The team revealed that mice were more likely to recover use of a front paw after a stroke if they had their whiskers trimmed.

A rodent’s whiskers are an important sensory organ with a rich nerve supply.

The animal can move its whiskers forwards and backwards to explore stationary objects and can keep them still to explore moving objects, all the while sending sensory information to the brain.

The researchers suggest that clipping a mouse’s whiskers stops the brain from receiving sensory signals, leaving the affected area more “plastic” and able to rewire itself to perform other tasks.

Implications for stroke rehabilitation

A stroke occurs when either a clot or rupture in a blood vessel in the brain blocks the blood supply and stops the affected area from receiving the oxygen and nutrients that it needs to keep cells alive and working.

Most strokes are caused by clots, and these are known as ischemic strokes. A temporary clot that clears itself is known as a transient ischemic attack, which is also referred to as a mini-stroke.

When the affected area of the brain stops receiving the blood that it needs, brain cells die and the corresponding part of the body stops working properly or fails to work at all.

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Often, the approach to rehabilitation therapy that individuals receive following a stroke focuses on helping them to compensate for the disability. The researchers propose that their study points to an alternative approach.

“Our findings,” says senior study author Jin-Moo Lee, a professor of neurology, “suggest that we may be able to stimulate [stroke] recovery by temporarily vacating some brain real estate and making that region of the brain more plastic.”

“One way to do that might be by immobilizing a healthy limb,” he adds.

Every year, around 140,000 people die from stroke in the United States, where it accounts for 1 out of every 20 deaths. The estimated cost of stroke — including medical care, drugs, and missed work days — is around $34 billion per year.

Brain remaps functions to nearby areas

There are more than 6.5 million stroke survivors in the U.S. Thanks to the brain’s plasticity, or ability to adapt, many survivors naturally recover some amount of function. An example is a survivor who cannot move an arm at first but finds that a few days later, they can start to wiggle their fingers.

Research using brain imaging shows that in such cases, the brain has rewired control of the fingers to a “neighbouring undamaged area.”

The extent of recovery is closely linked to how well the brain remaps sensory and control functions from the damaged to the undamaged area.

However, the cost of this plasticity is that the brain is constantly trying to free up “real estate” on which to build the new circuits. One way that unused real estate becomes available is when signaling to and from an area stops — for example, when a limb is amputated.

Prof. Lee and his colleagues wondered whether sensory deprivation might be a way to free up real estate near a stroke-injured area, and if the brain would use this opportunity to remap the disabled functions to that area.

Mice with trimmed whiskers healed quicker

To test this idea, they induced stroke in two groups of mice such that it impaired their ability to control their right forepaw.

Following the stroke, they trimmed off the whiskers of one group of mice and left them intact in the other group. Then, they observed the animals’ recovery and their use of the forepaws.

By week 4 after the stroke, the mice with trimmed whiskers had started to use the right forepaw again, and by week 8, they were using them as well as the left forepaw.

However, the mice with intact whiskers recovered much more slowly; by week 4, they were still not using their right forepaw and had only partly recovered use of it by week 8.

Scans of the mice’s brains showed marked differences in both the stroke-affected and neighboring areas. In the brains of the mice with the trimmed whiskers, the activity associated with forepaw use had moved to the area that is normally associated with use of whiskers.

However, in the mice with intact whiskers, the forepaw activity moved to any of several areas next to the injured site.

The following short video from the Washington University School of Medicine sums up the results in the mice:

Whisker-use activity returned to former area

The team allowed the mice with trimmed whiskers to grow them back after they had recovered full use of their right forepaw.

Scans of the animals’ brains taken 4 weeks later showed that whisker-use activity had returned to its former place in the brain. Also, forepaw control stayed in its new place with the mice continuing to show full use of both paws.

The study did not investigate whether the mice that had had their whiskers trimmed lost some ability to use their whiskers.

But the researchers say that there is evidence that when a brain function moves into another part of the brain, it does not impede the function associated with that area.

Prof. Lee gives the examples of musicians and taxi drivers: in musicians, the part of the brain that controls finger movement is unusually large, as is the part that controls navigation in taxi drivers.

“Developing those skills doesn’t cause musicians and taxi drivers to lose any other abilities. They are probably just using their brains more efficiently,” he explains.

He says that their findings show that it may be possible to improve outcomes following stroke by “enhancing plasticity in targeted regions of the brain.”

Source- medicalnewstoday.com

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by Engidu Woldie
ESAT News (February 2, 2017)

The United States on Wednesday gave a 28 day ultimatum to the Ethiopian regime to announce its consent to allow rapporteurs for the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights investigate human rights violations in the country.

House majority leader Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R) said he communicated to the Ethiopian regime that they need to announce by February 28, 2018 that they will allow rapporteurs appointed by the United Nations to independently investigate the state of human rights in Ethiopia. According to the majority leader, if the regime fails to do so, House Resolution 128, a resolution supporting human rights in Ethiopia, will be put to the floor of the House for vote in March.

“Should the government not announce by Feb. 28 that it will allow the UNHCHR to independently examine the state of human rights in Ethiopia, then we will bring the resolution to the floor during the month of of March. Furthermore, should the government announce it will allow access by the deadline but then not actually follow through and give the UN access, we will bring the resolution to the floor,” McCarthy said in a letter to Ethiopian civic and political groups whom he met on Monday.

“There is no question this resolution has had and continues to have an impact. We are committed to the shared goal that the human rights of every Ethiopian should be respected, honored, and protested,” McCarthy added.

The Ethiopian regime had repeatedly refused demands by the High Commissioner and other rights watchdogs for an independent investigation into the killings of hundreds of anti government protesters since November 2015 when protests began in the Oromo region of Ethiopia. By the regime’s own admission, over 900 people were killed in 2015 through 2017. There has been more deaths of protesters in 2018 and hundreds of others lost their lives in Eastern Ethiopia in a shoot to kill operation by the Special police force of the Somali region. The regime blames ethnic clashes between the Oromo and Somali communities for the deaths.

On Monday, a meeting was held between representatives of Ethiopian civic and political groups with majority leader McCarthy, Rep. Chris Smith and Rep. Mike Coffman that deliberated on ways of moving forward House Resolution 128, a resolution supporting respect for human rights and encouraging inclusive governance in Ethiopia.

Introduced in the House in February 2017 the resolution was scheduled to be on the House floor for a vote on October 2, 2017, but has been indefinitely postponed.

Res. 128, among others, calls for sanctions against Ethiopian officials responsible for committing gross human rights violations. It also called for the regime to allow a United Nations rapporteur to conduct an independent examination of the state of human rights in Ethiopia.

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By Tadias Staff
February 2nd, 2018

New York (TADIAS) — It was 81 years ago this month that the invading Fascist Italian troops went on a killing rampage in Ethiopia that claimed over a million lives including over 30,000 who were murdered in Addis Ababa. In addition many churches and homes were burned. The violent campaign was waged in retaliation for the attempted assassination of Rodolfo Graziani, Benito Mussolini’s top Ethiopia enforcer, by Abrham Deboch and Moges Asgedom.

Ethiopians eventually won the war, but not before the war criminal Graziani left a permanent mark with his wanton brutality now remembered by Ethiopians as the Yekatit 12 massacre.

“The Vatican blessed the Italian invasion as if it were a holy mission,” says the announcement from the Ethiopian Community Mutual Assistance Association (ECMAA), which is co-sponsoring an upcoming event in New York marking the 81st anniversary of Yekatit 12th. “This historically forgotten genocide perpetrated against Ethiopians took place during 1935-41.”

The event is scheduled to be held on February 18th at Adam Clayton Powell Jr. State Office Building in Harlem. ECMAA says the gathering will feature speakers including Professor Getatchew Haile and Dr. Habtamu Tegegne as well as selected Amharic poetry readings.

ECMAA adds that its demanding: “The payment of adequate reparations by the Italian Government to Ethiopia; a Vatican apology to the Ethiopian people for its complicity with Fascist Italy; Restitution of looted Ethiopian properties by the Italian and Vatican Governments; Inclusion in the United Nations records of the Fascist war crimes in Ethiopia; and the dismantlement of the Graziani monument inaugurated at Affile in the presence of a Vatican representative.”

—
If You Go:
The 81st Anniversary of “Yekatit 12th”
February 18, 2018
from 3:00PM-7:00PM
Adam Clayton Powell Jr. State Office Building
163 West 125th Street, 2nd floor
New York, New York 10027
(Near 2,3,A,B,C,D subway lines)
Co-sponsored by: Ethiopian Community Mutual Assistance Association

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ESAT Yehasab Menged by Sisay Agena -February 2 2018

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By GCR Staff

The leaders of Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan this week set a 30-day deadline for finding ways to break the deadlock in talks over Ethiopia’s mega dam on the Nile.

On Monday (29 July) Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and his Sudanese counterpart Omar Hassan al-Bashir met Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn during an African Union summit in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa.

“They instructed their water and energy ministers to draw up in one month a report that thrashes out ways to resolve all outstanding issues regarding the dam,” an Ethiopian official who attended the talks told Reuters.

The leaders also agreed to meet annually and set up a fund for infrastructure such as a railway linking the three countries, the official said.

At the meeting, Hailemariam said the project “was never intended to harm any country but to fulfil vital electricity needs and enhance development cooperation in the region”, according to a report by state-run Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation.

Egypt’s state news agency reported that the three countries had agreed to finish the initial technical study within one month, citing the foreign minister.

Egypt relies on the Nile for most of its water and fears the $4bn, 6-GW Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) will restrict its flow, while Ethiopia insists it will have no negative impact.

Talks on the scope of impact studies between the three countries broke down in November last year.

More than 60% complete, GERD is central to Ethiopia’s ambitious power exporting plans.

Image: Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, left, and Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn (GCR/Wikimedia Commons)

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AFP

Addis Ababa – Ethiopia has lifted a ban on domestic workers moving overseas after passing a new law to guard against ill-treatment, a government official said on Thursday.

Africa’s second-most populous country instituted the ban five years ago following reports of abuse, and complaints that employment agencies lured Ethiopians into working abroad in illegal and appalling conditions.

Abebe Haile, a director at the labour ministry, said the new law regulates employment agencies that connect jobless Ethiopians with work in foreign countries.

The government has also opened training centres for low-skilled workers heading abroad.

“Taking these preparations into account, this ban has been lifted, so we’re now ready to start the overseas employment services,” Abebe told a press conference.

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Ethiopia is one of the continent’s poorest countries and, according to the International Labour Organisation (ILO), a major source of migrants particularly to the Middle East, where there were around 460 000 Ethiopian workers in 2013 when the ban came into force.

At the time reports of worker abuse were rampant, including a video that emerged online showing an Ethiopian maid in Lebanon being dragged by her hair in public by her employers. She later killed herself in hospital.

While some Ethiopians work legally in the Middle East, others travel without visas despite having to cross through war-torn Yemen and risk a perilous boat trip across the Gulf of Aden.

Last week at least 30 people drowned when a boat carrying Somali and Ethiopian migrants capsized off Yemen’s coast.

Saudi Arabia – a popular destination for Ethiopian migrants – has carried out mass deportations of illegal foreign workers that rights groups have decried for their brutality.

Riyadh last year announced it would begin deporting illegal migrants again and Ethiopia’s foreign ministry told state media that more than 14,000 of its citizens have been repatriated since November.

Abebe said Ethiopia has signed bilateral agreements with Kuwait, Jordan and Qatar to govern the flow of low-skilled workers, and is working on agreements with other nations.

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Middle East Monitor

A Sudanese official revealed yesterday that intense diplomatic efforts made by Sudan to persuade other countries and international bodies that the US embargo against Khartoum were “unethical” and “illegal” had bore fruit, as diplomatic efforts from other states allowed for sanctions to be lifted.

In a press conference held in Khartoum, State Minister Kamal Ismail hailed the efforts of the Arab League, African Union, Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and many of Arab countries and international bodies who played a role in lifting the sanctions regime.

Ismail mentioned several countries by name, but extended a special thanks to Qatar and Ethiopia, who he said had presented evidence that the economic embargo was illegal. According to the minister, this evidence was accepted by Washington, who took the decision to ease sanctions.

“The embargo was a mistake, illegal and unethical,” the minister said, stressing it that sanctions were against all international conventions and laws.

Ismail noted that many countries had stopped dealing with Sudan due to the sanctions and this exacerbated the effect of the sanctions.

He said that certain countries held long discussions with the US to persuade it that the sanctions were illegal and unethical and these efforts “encircled” the sanctions politically.

Last Friday, outgoing American President Barack Obama announced the end of a 20-year economic embargo on Sudan.

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