Hiber Radio Ethiopian News January 15, 2018

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Opposition leader Dr. Merera Gudina, pictured above briefing the European parliament in November 2016 prior to his arrest, is one of hundreds of prisoners expected to be pardoned this week, Bloomberg reports. (Photo: Facebook)

Bloomberg

Ethiopia Pledges to Release 528 People in First Round of Pardons

Ethiopia said it’s preparing to release 528 detainees including the chairman of an opposition party, state-affiliated media reported, in what would be the first round of pardons announced by the government this month.

The detainees, 115 of whom are being held by federal authorities, will be released Wednesday and include Merera Gudina of the Oromo Federalist Congress, Fana Broadcasting Corp. cited Attorney General Getachew Ambaye as saying. The Ethiopian Broadcasting Corp. reported the initial pardons would involve people from the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ Region, one of Ethiopia’s nine ethnically based regional states, and other regions will follow.

Ethiopia has been rocked by more than two years of sporadic, often deadly protests and implemented a temporary state of emergency after a spate of attacks on foreign businesses. The unrest has damaged the Horn of Africa country’s reputation as an investment destination and posed one of the biggest challenges to the ruling coalition since it came to power in the early 1990s.

Ethiopia’s Communications Ministry said in a Jan. 4 statement that “some members of political parties and other individuals” suspected of committing crimes or those convicted “will be pardoned or their cases interrupted based on an assessment that will be made so as to establish a national consensus and widen the political sphere.”

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ESAT DC Daily News Jan 15 2018

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Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn has held talks in the Sudanese capital, Khartoum, before heading to Egypt for a four-day state visit. The leader is trying to defuse tension over a giant hydroelectric dam that Ethiopia is building on the Blue Nile.

Ethiopia aims to be the largest producer of hydroelectric power in Africa.

But Egypt, which depends largely on the Nile’s water, is deeply concerned. It says Ethiopia is trying to control the flow of the Nile, which could threaten its water security.

Al Jazeera

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ESAT DC Daily News Tue 16 Jan 2018

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ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) – Ethiopian authorities have dropped charges against a senior opposition leader and hundreds of others who had been jailed for involvement in unrest that gripped the country in 2015 and 2016, the country’s attorney general said on Monday.

Hundreds have been killed in violence in the Horn of Africa country since protests first erupted in its central Oromiya province over allegations of land grabs.

Several dissident politicians have since been jailed having been charged with involvement in terrorism and collusion with the secessionist Oromo Liberation Front, which the government has branded a terrorist group.

Facing mounting unrest, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn announced earlier this month that jailed politicians would be released and those facing trial would have their cases dismissed in a bid to foster reconciliation.

On Monday, Attorney General Getachew Ambaye told journalists that 528 people had so far been selected for clemency, including Merera Gudina – leader of the opposition group Oromo Federalist Congress who was arrested in late 2015.

Getachew said criteria for their selection involved taking into account proof that the suspects did not take part in actions that led to killings and severe injury, damaging infrastructure, and “conspiracy to dismantle the constitutional order by force”.

“All 528 will be released within two months,” he said.

Merera was arrested after a trip to Brussels to meet members of the European Parliament, and formally charged with attempting to “dismantle or disrupt social, economic and political activity”.

He was also accused of backing a secessionist group Addis Ababa labels a terrorist movement, as well as flouting guidelines on a state of emergency that was imposed for nine months during his trip to Belgium.

Nearly 700 people died in one bout of unrest during months of protests in 2015 and 2016, according to a parliament-mandated investigation.

Rallies over land rights broadened into demonstrations over political restrictions and perceived rights abuses, before spreading into the northern Amhara region and – to a smaller extent – in its SNNP province in the south.

In recent months, a spate of ethnic clashes have also taken place. Dozens of people were killed in several bouts of violence between ethnic Oromos and Somalis in the Oromiya region last year.

Hailemariam made his announcement after the ruling EPRDF coalition concluded a weeks-long meeting meant to thrash out policies to address grievances.

The unrest had triggered growing friction within the party. Some high-ranking members had subsequently submitted their resignation, while officials have openly squabbled with each other over the cause of clashes.

Getachew said more pardons and releases are set to follow.

Ethiopia, sandwiched between volatile Somalia and Sudan, is often accused by rights groups of using security concerns as an excuse  to stifle dissent and media freedoms. It denies the charge.

Source: Reuters

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Hiber Radio Ethiopian News January 15, 2018

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Debretsion was second in command to then Intelligence Chief Kinfe Gebremedhin. He was also his close confidant who knew about Kinfe’s offshore account where the latter had kept large sums of money siphoned off from public coffers.

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AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
MEDIA ADVISORY

17 January 2018

Netsanet Belay, Amnesty International’s Research and Advocacy Director for Africa, who has himself previously spent more than two years in prison in Ethiopia, is available for interviews

The release of opposition politician Merera Gudina and hundreds of other detainees in Ethiopia today must only be a first step towards freedom for all prisoners of conscience in the east African country, said Amnesty International today as 528 detainees were set free from several jails.

“While by all means a welcome step, the release today of Merera Gudina today and other detainees must not be the last. Hundreds of prisoners of conscience continue to languish in jail, accused or prosecuted for legitimate exercise of their freedom of expression or simply for standing up for human rights,” said Netsanet Belay, Amnesty International’s Research and Advocacy Director for Africa.

“The Ethiopian authorities must now immediately and unconditionally release all remaining prisoners of conscience, including those who have already been convicted, as they did nothing wrong and should never have been arrested in the first place. To continue holding them is to perpetuate the gross injustice that they have already bravely endured for too long,”

“The authorities must also take urgent steps to guarantee that these wrongful detentions do not continue to take place, including by repealing or substantially amending all repressive laws under which most prisoners of conscience are detained, including the draconian Anti-Terrorism Proclamation.”

The releases come after Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn announced plans to release opposition political leaders and hundreds of other individuals and close down Maekelawi Prison in the capital Addis Ababa, a notorious detention center where widespread acts torture were being committed.

Public document

****************************************

For more information or to arrange an interview, please call Amnesty International’s press office in Nairobi on +254 788 343897 or +254 20 428 3020, or emailseif.magango@amnesty.org

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ADDIA ABABA, Jan. 17 (Xinhua) — The Ethiopian Central Statistics Agency (CSA) on Wednesday said that close to 180,000 tablets have purchased from Chinese technology giants, Huawei and Lenovo, to conduct Ethiopia’s Fourth National Housing and Population Census.

The CSA revealed on Wednesday that the products had been tested and approved by the agency.

The East African country will, for the first time, apply a modern population and housing census procedure, which includes the use of mobile tablets for data collection.

Following the Ethiopian Public Procurement and Property Disposal Services international bid on behalf of the Central Statistics Agency, the two Chinese companies have agreed to provide the mobile tablets that will be applied for the registration process.

According to Biratu Yigezu, Director General of CSA, the products were purchased as part of the 3.5 billion Ethiopian Birr (128 million U.S. dollars) total budget that was secured for the census.

The two companies have provided 90,000 mobile tablets each as per the agreement.

According to experts at the CSA, the use of mobile tablet technologies during the data collection procedure will ease the census process by establishing effective data registration system so as to avoid duplication and double counting.

By ELIAS MESERET, ASSOCIATED PRESS

Ethiopia’s top opposition figure and hundreds of others were released from prison on Wednesday as part of the government’s recent pledge to free detained politicians and “widen the democratic space for all” after the worst anti-government protests in a quarter-century.

Merera Gudina led the Oromo Federalist Congress party and was arrested a year ago under the country’s state of emergency after he returned from Europe, where he had briefed lawmakers on widespread and sometimes deadly anti-government protests in the East African nation.

Merera was released along with 115 others from a federal prison on the outskirts of the capital, Addis Ababa. He was met by thousands of youths in his adopted hometown of Burayu outside the capital, with some chanting anti-government slogans.

“If the government is genuine about dialogue, then we will consider it,” Merera told The Associated Press.

Another 361 detainees were freed Wednesday across southern Ethiopia, and several hundred others across the country are expected to be released in the coming months.

The releases come after Prime Minster Hailemariam Desalegn’s surprise announcement earlier this month that the government planned to release imprisoned politicians and close the notorious Maekelawi prison camp.

His comments came after the most serious anti-government protests since the current government came to power in 1991. The demonstrations demanding wider freedoms began in late 2015 and engulfed much of the restive Oromia and Amhara regions before spreading into other parts of the country, leading to a months-long state of emergency that has since been lifted.

Tens of thousands of people were arrested, and reportedly hundreds were killed, while one of Africa’s fastest growing economies was disrupted.

The U.S. Embassy said in a statement it was “encouraged” by the new releases. “We are aware that reviews of additional cases are underway and hope they will be conducted in the same spirit. We understand these efforts as part of the government’s decision to accelerate democratic progress.”

“The release of opposition politician Merera Gudina and hundreds of other detainees in Ethiopia today must only be a first step toward freedom for all prisoners of conscience in the East African country,” Netsanet Belay, Amnesty International’s research and advocacy director for Africa, said in a statement. “Hundreds of prisoners of conscience continue to languish in jail, accused or prosecuted for legitimate exercise of their freedom of expression or simply for standing up for human rights.”

Ethiopia’s government has long been accused of arresting critical journalists and opposition leaders. Rights organizations and opposition groups have called for their release, saying they were arrested on trumped-up charges and punished for their points of view.

———

This version has been corrected to show the name of the top opposition politi

By Prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam

Tedros Adhanom, Director-General of the World Health Organization (WHO), is hell-bent on changing WHO into AdWHOnom.

Last week, POLITICO posted a scathing article on Adhanom’s “fast track” job appointments without a competitive search and hiring process. Among his fast track appointments was a “little-known Russian [Tereza Kasaeva] to run the WHO’s tuberculosis program one month after meeting with President Vladimir Putin at a major gathering on the topic in Moscow.”

In November 2017, Putin’s government announced it would “allocate about $15 mln to the WHO in 2018-2020 to fight tuberculosis and ‘implement a joint project between Russia and the WHO to galvanize multisectoral measures to end tuberculosis.’” Kasaeva’s appointment occurred in December 2017, a month after Adhanom met with Putin. The Kasaeva appointment was a slick public relation move for Putin’s engagement in global health.

Kasaeva’s competence, in much the same way as Adhanom’s competence when he was given the top EHO job, has been questioned. The Lancet, “one of the world’s oldest and best known general medical journals founded in 1823”, in an editorial observed, Kasaeva’s appointment was pretty much a pay to play arrangement in the name of gender diversity. The Lancet noted there was “no consultation with the broader TB community” in Kasaeva’s appointment and lamented “Russia’s poor record on TB and HIV.”

In October 2017, Adhanom nominated Robert Mugabe, the 93 year-old president of Zimbabwe, deposed in a soft coup the following month, as that organization’s Goodwill Ambassador for Noncommunciable Diseases. Adhanom, under pressure withdrew the appointment, but initially justified his decision on the grounds that Mugabe had “placed universal health coverage and health promotion at the centre of its policies to provide health care to all.”

The fact was that more than 11 million Zimbabweans, representing 90% of the population have no access to medical aid. The country’s infant mortality rate: at 57/1,000 live births is one of the highest in the world. About 1000 women out of 100 000 die during giving birth. Zimbabwean opposition parties claimed Adhanom’s appointment of Mugabe was “pay-back” for Mugabe’s support in Adhanom’s bid for the top WHO job.

Adhanom claims to be on a crusade for gender equity at WHO. In October 2017, Adhanom tweeted, “The new WHO senior leadership team reflects my deep-held beliefs: we need top talent, gender equity & geographical diversity to deliver.” Consequently, he appointed eight new directors of highly questionable professional competence in a “fast track” process without a competitive, consultative and transparent hiring process.

Dilbert Principle runs amok at WHO

The Dilbert Principle states that “generally the least competent, least smart people and least able people promoted simply because they are the ones you don’t want doing actual work. You want them ordering the doughnuts and yelling at people for not doing their assignments—you know, the easy work. Your heart surgeons and your computer programmers—your smart people—aren’t in management.”

In the Dilbert strip of February 5, 1995, Dogbert says that “leadership is nature’s way of removing morons from the productive flow”.

In other words, incompetent people are moved to “higher” positions to ensure they will not plug up the work process since the real work is done by worker bees at the lower levels of the organization.

It is ironic that life imitates art (comic strips) at WHO. “Your heart surgeons and your computer programmers—your smart people—aren’t in management” at WHO.

Who is in management at WHO?

Tedros Adhanom is not a medical doctor. He “holds a PhD in Community Health and boasts of having technical and political competences that can help the WHO to move forward – as a health expert and seasoned diplomat.”

Adhanom is clueless about elementary concepts of health care. He recently declared, “All roads lead to universal coverage. This will be my central priority.”  Adhanom is clueless that “universal coverage” is a phrase used to describe provision of health care and financial protection related to health care to all citizens of a particular country, not all citizens of the world or the universe.

Adhanom padded his resume with lies, damned lies and statislies to snag the WHO job with the blessing of Bill Gates. Adhanom crowed his own achievements, “Today, Ethiopia stands as a global model for effective health system reform and governance and as an inspirational story of successful African-led development.”

Adhanom’s claim is completely contradicted by WHO: “The health status of Ethiopia is poor, even when related to other low-income countries including those in sub-Saharan Africa. The population suffers from a huge burden of potentially preventable diseases such as HIV, malaria, tuberculosis, intestinal parasites, acute respiratory infections and diarrhoeal diseases.”  (Emphasis added.)

Adhanom is using the “fast track” hiring process to clone his incompetent self throughout WHO in the name of gender, regional and geographic diversity.

In December 2017, 40 civil society groups in an open letter urged Adhanom “to lead a transparent, thoughtful process to determine the next WHO Global TB Program Director.” He told them to go to WHO-ville.

It is like the old saying, “birds of a feather flock together” on the rooftop of the WHO building.

Neopatrimonialism at the WHO and the rise of Adhanom’s WHO-ville within WHO

What Adhanom is doing at WHO is building an Africa-style neopatrimonial empire at WHO. One official minion at a time in the name of gender, regional and geographic diversity.

“Neopatrimonialism” is a system in which all power is concentrated in one man, usually a president, who is unaccountable to the rule of law and operates without a system of checks and balances. He has no use, and is in fact contemptuous, of formal systems embodied in constitutions, administrative regulations and laws, civil service procedures, organizational judicial structures and processes. He maintains a system of clientelism and clientelist networks by which he maintains his power and fends off opposition. He uses state resources to pay off his clients who support him in remaining in power. Simply stated, he runs a “pay to play in power” scheme to maintain his power.

What WHO rank and file and those not in the Adhanom in-group may not realize is the fact that Adhanom is creating a neopatrimonial parallel WHO within WHO.

WHO personnel and international health experts and health professionals bitterly complain about the lack of process, transparency, accountability, consultation, secretive decision-making and the like in the Adhanom administration. I believe they are missing the point big time.

Adhanom believes the WHO “establishment” is his enemy. He believes he has to eliminate as many of them as possible and replace them with his own minions. But he cannot wipe out the entire WHO all at once, so he has to do it piecemeal, one position at a time.

He is taking the proverbial “boiling frog” approach. The idea is if a frog is put suddenly into boiling water, it will jump out. But if the frog is put in tepid water which is then brought to a boil slowly, it will not perceive the danger and will be cooked to death.

That’s is exactly what I think is happening in WHO. Adhanom is creating his own empire within WHO by slowly “boiling” those he considers his enemies. He is doing it by creating a Shadow WHO, a Kitchen Cabinet at WHO or Adhanom’s WHO-ville crew. Call it what you may. The idea is he wants to create a WHO within WHO.

In his cartoonland WHO-ville, Adhanom aims to create a special bond between himself as the Padrone, tutti di capo tutti (boss of all bosses), and his appointee clients and followers within WHO who have pledged allegiance to him personally. Their allegiance of loyalty is based on the largess and job protection Adhanom lavishes upon them.

As the Padrone, Adhanom has little to no countervailing control in his distribution of rewards to his supporters and imposition of punishment against those he considers his opponents within WHO. That is why he so cavalierly dismisses and ignores the pleas and sound advice of the experts and professionals who have vastly superior knowledge and experience in the field of global health than himself. Just like African dictators, the first victims are the educated and the experts in society.

Adhanom is merely bringing to the WHO what he and his fellow thugtators have been doing in Ethiopia for the past 26 years.

In Ethiopia, Tedros Adhanom was the third leading member of  the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), an organization listed in the Global Terrorism Database.

The TPLF functions in the same way Adhanom is setting up his empire at the WHO to function.

In Ethiopia,  Adhanom’s TPLF maintains a state within the state. The most important decisions are not made as prescribed by the constitutional process or legally authorized officials. The most important decisions were made by the late Meles Zenawi and his cabal when he was alive, and today by the gang of four or so. When Meles was alive, the state within the state included Meles’ trusted buddies, including Adhanom, from the bush and yes-men who fed at the corruption trough he built since taking power in 1991.  For instance, the T-TPLF allows independent decision-making in the kililsitans but in reality all decisions are centralized and predetermined in the T-TPLF state within the state. Recently, one of the regional presidents said he will tear up and throw in the trashany TPLF order that violates his constitutional powers.

That is exactly what Adhanom is creating at WHO. His Shadow WHO will make decisions in secret and slap it on the rank and file and other auxiliaries working with WHO. No consultation, no input, no feedback. My way or the highway! That is how Adhanom plans to roll at WHO.

Tedros Adhanom was not selected for experience, knowledge or abilities. He is not competent to run a neighborhood clinic let alone a global health organization. He was saddled with an agenda by the powers that be. That agenda is to tear down the WHO and reinvent it in the image of those billionaire self-appointed messiahs in their pursuit of saving the world. Adhanom is merely their step and fetch it, their enforcer, their hatchet man and hit man at WHO!

Tedros Adhanom pulled out the race card to stifle criticism of his fitness for the top WHO job. He dismissively described his WHO critics and others as having a “typical colonial mind-set aimed at winning at any cost and discrediting a candidate from a developing country.”

Well, Adhanom is the capo di tutti capi at WHO.  Time for pay back against those stuck in a “colonial mindset” at WHO.

Tedros Adhanom is the bull in the WHO china shop. He will continue to destroy WHO piece by piece from within and demolish its international credibility without by doing dumb things.

“I told you so” in October 2017 that Tedros Adhanom is an empty-suit. In January 2018,   I am telling you that empty-suit has become a bull in the WHO china shop.

I feel sorry for all of the experts and dedicated health professionals at WHO. But they outfoxed, outwitted, outplayed and outmaneuvered by a professional con man.

Hear! Hear! WHO. With Tedros “The Bull in the WHO China Shop” Adhanom at the helm, your days are numbered.

Wake up WHO! You are now under the Adhanom Thugtatorship.

Fight back! Deal with it!

============

A selection of my previous comments on Adhanom are available at these links:

http://almariam.com/2016/06/05/ethiopia-guess-who-is-coming-to-who-in-2017/

http://almariam.com/2017/10/26/world-health-organization-board-i-told-you-tedros-adhanom-is-an-empty-suit/

http://almariam.com/2016/01/07/can-you-spare-a-dime-for-t-tplf-ambassadors/

http://almariam.com/2017/05/14/who-for-who-a-top-leader-of-a-terrorist-organization-thats-who/

—Why Ethiopia’s Opposition must seize a golden opportunity for fundamental change–

Aklog Birara (Dr.)

Part II of II

In part I, I argued that the diplomatic and donor community can no longer afford to keep dead silent while innocent Ethiopians are being murdered, displaced, dispossessed, impoverished; and while hundreds of thousands of the country’s youth are forced to flee their homeland.

The primary purpose of this commentary is this. While it is legitimate for us Ethiopians to demand that the donor and diplomatic community side with the Ethiopian people; it is morally and ethically wrong for the country’s divided and dysfunctional opposition to remain divided; to operate in silos; to slander and undermine one another; and to fail to offer the Ethiopian people a better alternative to the police and undemocratic state and government. Simply opposing the TPLF is not enough. In any case and by any measurement the TPLF/EPRDF dictatorial and repressive state has made itself irrelevant.

The ethnic conflict between Oromo and Somali Ethiopians who have lived side by side peacefully, reveals the pitfalls of ethnic-federalism that the TPLF and its cohorts still support. More than 700,000 Oromo have been displaced. Ethiopia is encircled and threatened. On January 17, 2018. The Wall Street Journal wrote a provocative piece that should concern the regime in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian opposition; and more important, the Ethiopian people.

It is the people who have the greatest stake in the development and use of their river resources and lands. “Troubled Waters: Egypt and Ethiopia Wrangle Over Nile Dam” by the Wall Street Journal on January 17, 2018, paints a dire picture in that it presents Ethiopia as an emerging rival to Egypt concerning control of the Nile River to which the Abbay River (Blue Nile) contributes more than 80 percent of the total inflow to the Nile. It is true that “hundreds of millions of people” depend on the Nile River. To date, the biggest beneficiaries have been Egypt and Sudan. Sudan supports Ethiopia’s legitimate rights to build the Great Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) while Egypt continues to insist that its “natural and historical rights” must be respected by Ethiopia. Egyptian authorities continue to insist that ‘Egypt cannot live without the Nile.’ I do not know of any Ethiopian who insists that Egypt should be deprived of this essential natural resource. The question is equitable and fair use Ethiopia’s water resources for the benefit of Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people. It is indefensible to deprive Ethiopia of its rights.

Warmongering is not the solution. The most viable solution is negotiation through diplomacy. In the meantime, the regime in Addis Ababa must work much harder than ever before to pay attention to the hopes and aspirations of the Ethiopian people. Releasing all political prisoners, opening-up political, civic and religious space and creating a robust program of empowering and generating employment for Ethiopia’s youth without delay is among the right steps. These steps will help unify Ethiopia’s 105 million people against foreign aggression.

Focus on Ethiopia’s youth is a must. Because large number of youth continue to flee in droves. They flee for two fundamental reasons: the lack of meaningful employment opportunities in Ethiopia and the perceived demand for migrant services in foreign countries; and the oppressive and suffocating political, social and religious environment they face constantly at home. These pull and push factors remain intact and are structural and systemic.

On December 29, 2017, the Associated Press reported a massive program of expulsions of Ethiopian and other migrants from Saudi Arabia, reminiscent of what happened in 2013/2014. The latest deportations began on November 11, 2017 and continue. AP reports that the kingdom has detained around 250,000 people violating its residency laws in the crackdown, with approximately 50,000 already forcibly flown out of the country. Of those who entered the country illegally, 72 percent were from Yemen and 26 percent were Ethiopians. An estimated 400,000 Ethiopian migrants had been living in Saudi Arabia.”

Adding insult to injury, Ethiopians expelled from Saudi Arabia report harsh and inhumane treatment by the Saudis. They “were robbed” of their minimal possessions. The AP quotes some returning to Addis Ababa that “Saudi police officers” took their monies and “shared” the loot “between them. Some of the returnees said they saw compatriots being shot and wounded when they tried to escape police roundups…prison cells were like toilets.” An Ethiopian deportee in this wave, Sadiq Ahmed, who was detained for more than ten days, is quoted saying “As if this was not enough, we were robbed of our belongings. I came here with nothing. I know lots of people who went insane because of this torment.”

Human Rights Watch had documented serious violations of the rights of Ethiopian migrants in Saudi Arabia. The report had no effect on either Saudi or Ethiopian authorities. The later failed to express a modicum of national outrage at the savage treatments Ethiopians.

Ethiopian authorities also failed to denounce President Trump’s unthinkable and despicable characterization of all Black Africa as “shithole countries.” The African Union took a principled stand by demanding retraction and apology by the American President. The failure of the regime in Addis Ababa to defend the honor and dignity of the country it continues to rule and the people it suppresses is hardly surprising. A regime that abuses its citizens at home cannot be expected to defend citizens’ rights abroad. Only the unity of the Ethiopian people and their defense of freedom and rights influence the global system.

Ethiopian migrant repression and expulsions continue. Authorities say that more than 14,000 migrants have been deported since mid-November and 70,000 have returned voluntarily. The International Office of Migration (IOM) says the number that has left forcibly or voluntarily since the amnesty period ended in June has reached 96,000. Saudi Arabia ordered all undocumented migrants to leave voluntarily in March, an order later extended until June. “I stayed in Saudi Arabia for five years just to support my family and other siblings,” said deportee Fozia Omar. She spent one month in prison. “We have suffered a lot. I would like to beg my brothers and sisters not to repeat the mistake we already made, in the name of Allah.”

IOM continues to defend the rights of migrants. “The number of returnees could rise even higher in the coming weeks,” adding that around $30 million is needed to cover their immediate needs, including transportation for many of the most vulnerable.”

Those forced to return face the grim reality that there are no jobs. Following the slaying of 30 Ethiopians in Libya, a young man was asked if he contemplated to take risks to go to Europe via Libya. “Yes, I plan to do that soon. It makes no difference to remain to die or die in Libya.” Ethiopia’s youth never stopped their treks to escape poverty and oppression at home. In Libya, they face modern slavery. In Saudi Arabia, they face expulsion etc. This will continue as long as the root causes that push them from their homeland remain unresolved. Change is urgent.

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) won’t change. The Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) that the TPLF dominates is mutating, conflict and suspicion-ridden and by its own admission “sinking.”  Citizens do not trust it. They have no confidence. It has failed to meet their basic needs. On December 20/2017 the EPRDF “admitted that the party was facing a gradual & widening “mistrust” & “suspicion” among the four major parties that make up the EPRDF. Evidence shows that the EPRDF can’t address the root causes of the popular uprising without questioning the premise of its ethnic and linguistic foundation and the ideological lingua franca of “revolutionary democracy.” An endless cycle of conversation without public input and participation won’t amount to anything.

What then should be done?

The people of Ethiopia are far ahead than the internal or external opposition. Opposition groups are obliged to unify their forces and present a viable alternative. Together, they possess a vast array of experience, knowledge and expertise to lead the country. However, the anchor for fundamental change is within Ethiopia and not in the Diaspora. The political opposition within Ethiopia—for example, the Blue Party, the All-Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP), Medrek and others must reach out to one another and create a unified bloc fast. They should take advantage of the opportunity that emanates from frictions within the EPRDF. Here, I tend to agree with inside observers that the rifts within the EPRDF, especially between the TPLF and its allies on the one hand; and ANDM and OPDO on the other are real. Change champions within these two parties must be encouraged and supported.

Therefore, opposition groups, especially domestic anchors, have a golden opportunity to exploit the rift within the governing party. Success depends on confidence and trust building measures.

Why is this urgent?

Below is a diagnosis of the compelling reasons why immediate action is required.

Ethiopia’s Youth is in Revolt and Dying

The regime is rejected by the vast majority of the Ethiopian people, especially its youth population. This demographic group constitutes more than 65 percent of Ethiopia’s 105 million people. Ethiopia is unable to create the required two and a half million jobs per year. College educated youth compete for limited jobs; and these limited jobs are granted on the basis of ethnicity and party affiliation. This is the reason for the trust deficit in the country. Youth is alienated from the government and its institutions.

Ethiopia’s new generation is a vital social capital that, if harnessed well, would contribute substantially in growing the economy. It is also an important bridge between and among the country’s diverse population. The freedom to attend any college or university in any region in an environment of safety is a fundamental human right. It is virtually impossible to learn in an environment of hostility, hatred and fear.

Large numbers of students of Oromo and Amhara origin are frightened for their lives. Those attending colleges in Gondar and other locations are cordoned off and their movements restricted by TPLF managed forces including the Agazi. This is the first time in Ethiopia’s modern history that students fear for their lives because of their ethnicity.

Ethiopia is deeply polarized. Targeted and selective killing of students and other innocent Ethiopians is a form of terrorism. Ethnic-cleansing leads to genocide. The ongoing interethnic conflicts between Oromo and Somali Ethiopians resulted in the deaths of hundreds of innocent civilians; the destruction of massive property; the displacements of hundreds of thousands of citizens, especially Oromos; and the deepening animosity and instability. These assaults make Ethiopia vulnerable to external threat.

The right of any Ethiopian to feel safe and to live in any part of the country has been degraded severely, and in some areas irreparably. This tragedy will continue as long as ethnic identity defines citizenship. This is among the reasons why the public’s trust in the EPRDRDF is degraded beyond repair.

• It is degraded because it is unable to address the root causes of Ethiopia’s multifaceted problems.
• It is degraded because it does not listen to the grievances of the population.
• It is degraded because it is anti-democratic and anti-the rule of law
• It is degraded because its solution is to strengthen state security etc. etc. etc.

The most recent assessment of Ethiopia’s security situation by the governing party leaves the root causes for peaceful protests in the Oromia and Amhara regions intact. Peaceful protests have continued since November 2015. More than 1,000 Oromo and Amhara were killed. More than 11,000 were arrested. No one really knows the number of disappearances.

The most recent flares are, in fact a continuation of unresolved grievances. On December 11, 2017, federal troops commanded by Tigrean officers massacred 16 innocent civilians in the town of Celenko, Oromia. Of those murdered, five were from the same family. Reports show that these federal forces came to the town and region uninvited. We do not know for sure who instigated these massacres; but someone should be held accountable for crimes against humanity.

This latest massacre triggered outrage and condemnation from a cross-section of Ethiopians, especially from the President of the Oromo regional state, Lemma Megersa. To my knowledge no governing party or federal official has been held accountable for the latest massacre. It saddens me to note that the norm in Ethiopia is for federal forces to massacre innocent people; and for the world community and for ordinary Ethiopians to move on as if nothing has happened.

Ethiopian Human Life Lost Meaning

Ironically, those who inflict the greatest pain on ordinary citizens cry foul and turn the blame on someone else. The newly elected chairman of the restructured TPLF, Debretsion, wrote in early November this: “The current security situation in Ethiopia is very disconcerting. The country is moving from one crisis to another. Loss of confidence that EPRDF may not be able to solve the crisis greatly confounds the concern.” I challenge him to tell us who caused this loss of confidence?

I recall during the uprising in the Amhara region in the summer of 2015, Debretsion had warned the Amhara population that the TPLF-security and defense possessed overwhelming military power to “crush” the popular uprising. His party’s command posts were responsible for the massacres of more than 1,000 innocent Amhara and Oromo youth; and for the disappearances of tens of thousands.

It is true that Ethiopia’s security situation has been deteriorating since then. The question is who is the culprit? Certainly, someone in the federal system is making a decision?  When federal troops are involved, the order comes from those who control these troops. If anyone knows who is behind the massacres and the insecurity in the country, Debretsion should be among them.

The supremacy of the state and the government in Ethiopia is equal to the supremacy of the TPLF. The urgent on again and off again meeting of the Executive Committee of the EPRDF revealed deep fissures within the ruling party. For the first time in the party’s history, hostility, anger and frustration were expressed by members and leaders of the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (OPDO) and the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM). These two parties represent more than 75 percent of the Ethiopian population.

The 36 member EPRDF Executive Committee lacks proportional or democratic representation, the same is true of the rubber stamp parliament and other federal institutions. To the shock and dismay of the TPLF, the leaders of OPDO and ANDM demanded the following:

1. An end to TPLF (Tigrean) hegemony over state and government institutions, including higher officers in the defense, security and intelligence apparatus
2. An end to TPLF (Tigrean) monopoly over the national economy, the budget and natural resources, and
3. An end to the marginalization of the Oromo and Amara people

These demands for fairness and equity were not received well by the TPLF that represents a minority ethnic group; but that still dominates the party, state and government. TPLF hegemony over core political institutions, including telecommunications, security, defense, the judiciary etc., has enabled a shamelessly disproportionate number of Tigreans to dominate the national economy.

This domination has also contributed to Ethiopia’s national insecurity. The glaring gap in incomes, wealth and other assets has made Ethiopia vulnerable to external threats.

The harm of this zero-sum game emanating from TPLF monopoly on the vast majority of the population is glaring and consequential in terms national security, peace, stability and shared prosperity. Therefore, public resentment against the TPLF is at an all-time high and deep. It is the core component of the current crisis. Tragically for Ethiopia, the new TPLF leadership does not see it that way.

Far from expressing remorse for the massacres by federal, Agazi and other forces, the displacement of more than 700,000 Oromo nationals is, many contend, caused by the Liyu police “established and equipped by Tigrean generals.”  Debretsion says unabashedly that “There are unfounded claims that there is a force orchestrating [the internal crisis] from behind” to “sabotage our security institutions,” and that the unfounded propaganda of “hegemony of TPLF and Tigreans are being greatly exploited.” It is disingenuous to accuse those who stand for justice, equality, the rule of law and democracy as “saboteurs.” The sooner such venomous and irresponsible languages are stopped the better for Ethiopia’s national security; and for the wellbeing of all Ethiopians including Tigreans.

Exclusionary and suffocating governance continues to lead the entire country into a very dangerous direction. If the TPLF continues to dominate it will be a coup de-d’état. Among others, continued domination in a new form will delegitimize the ANDM and the OPDO; and nullify gains.

What options do these parties have?

1. First, the ANDM and OPDO should not be alarmed by the threat emanating from the newly minted and aggressive TPLF leadership. They need to stand together for the common good.

In addition, those who stand for fundamental changes within and outside the EPRDF should:

1. Preserve and defend their organizational identities; solidify their unity and collaboration in all areas, including security, defense and intelligence.
2. Reject TPLF attempts to take over Oromo and Amhara media with the intent of centralizing further all communications and media and presenting a one sided and biased TPLF narrative that is harmful to all Ethiopians.
3. Reject TPLF interference and undue pressure to reinstate former or TPLF sympathizers and loyalists; and cleanse their organizations of moles and agents whose primary loyalty is to the TPLF.
4. Show the courage and determination to side with their vast constituents (the people) and to reach out to opposition groups within and outside of Ethiopia.
5. Demand accountability for the recent massacres and call on the Prime Minister to explain to the Ethiopian people why the massacres took place in the first place and who is accountable for the deaths of innocent people; the destruction of property; and the razing of homes.
6. Show statesmanship by demanding the cessation of killings and the cordoning of colleges and universities.
7. Welcome the release of political leaders, most notably, Professor Merera Gudina and demand immediate release of the thousands of political prisoners who still suffer in Ethiopia’s jails.
8. Be bold enough and farsighted enough to take a position with regard to opening-up Ethiopia’s political, civic and spiritual space so that the democratization process severely restrained by the regime is eased.
9. Collectively demand respect for human rights of each and every Ethiopian citizen; freedom of the press, association, assembly, movement and peaceful protests.
10. Speak with one voice and together approach Western governments, especially the United States and inform them that Ethiopians wish to prevent civil war, the Balkanization of Ethiopia and genocide; and advance multiparty democracy.
11. Together, exercise leadership by informing Ethiopia’s foreign friends that they are committed to substantive democratic changes and to the formation of an All-Inclusive government in Ethiopia.
12. Together, reject Egyptian warmongering and call for a negotiated settlement of the dispute over Abbay waters without compromising Ethiopia’s national interests in harnessing its waters for the benefit of all its people.
13. Together, work towards national dialogue and consensus with regard to Ethiopia’s future and the shared prosperity of its citizens.

By the same token, those of us residing outside Ethiopia must support those who are struggling for fundamental changes and not gimmick reforms within Ethiopia. At minimum, we should refrain from demeaning or badmouthing those who wish to end TPLF hegemony once and for all.

Long Live Ethiopia!!

Long Live Unity with Diversity!!

January 18, 2018

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Teshome Abebe

January 19, 2018

“From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch…” –Rousseau 1754.

Are these words irrelevant for our times? Hardly! I write this short essay as a cautionary piece on the state of the Ethiopian Diaspora’s penchant for organizing. These are my impressions though they have also been informed by discussions I have had with many others who have expressed both exasperation as well as amusement about the state of affairs. I am in a unique position to write this because I won’t suffer any of the repercussions that come where someone belonging to a political party might encounter. Even if that were the case, I cannot easily be intimidated, as I have also learned to defend myself well. Because the issues I write about are important, I have decided to write this one until someone more qualified does.

In 2016, I delivered a speech at Vision Ethiopia where I stated: “Where we are today can charitably be described as, what Thomas Hobbes referred to as the chaos of competing enemies”, and argued for unity in all aspects of Diaspora efforts concerning Ethiopia.  This ‘chaos’ is partly the result of steps taken by well-meaning but misguided individuals and organizations, whose vision of their country is based not on a common cause or purpose, but mostly on self-interest. The essence of my argument here is that when we have so many chaotic factions, they can become isolated and unwittingly opposed to one another as all vie for the attention of an ever dwindling segment of the target public.

As a background, the ethnic stratification we witness in Ethiopia today, is the result of several factors: the introduction and implementation of the Killil system—a hammer blow to Ethiopian unity; the appearance of ethnocentrism; the competition along ethnic lines for resources, power, and for influence; and the emergence of deferential power. These conditions, interwoven with what I will refer to as the policy of ambitious domination, have the potential to produce ethno-national conflicts with existential consequences.

To ameliorate these circumstances and conditions, there have emerged, over the years, all sorts of organizations and pseudo-political parties whose goals and programs have, at best, been questionable. So-called organizations have popped up for one purpose or another, and almost always, representing Ethiopian interests. Most of these organizations are civic organizations, and others are formally political in their nature.  In the Ethiopian traditions of savings clubs (Ikub) and emergency assistance (Idir), the civic organizations seem to have done an outstanding job. I, therefore, salute the new taste for activism in many of its manifestations. Yet the extraordinary zeal in creating political and civic organizations has not been matched by a concerted effort to produce results—results that are meaningful to Ethiopian society. This short essay argues that, in the main, three factors have been responsible for this condition, and suggests that, because relatively few fundamental issues separate most of these organizations, cooperation is both necessary and vital. We realize that for any such cooperation or alliance to have democratic legitimacy (particularly in the political sphere), it would have to present itself not just as a coalition and alliance of likeminded individuals and groups, but perhaps as a new political party, with a program to confront realistically the challenges facing the country. What is undeniable is that organizations need people. They also need committed individuals. In return, they have to have focus, articulate realistic and achievable plans, provide able leadership, and maintain uncompromising integrity.

But first, let us first acknowledge where Ethiopian Diaspora have seemingly reached an intellectual consensus.

Consensus

Over the past four decades, we have debated, acknowledged and grieved what has befallen the country. And the grieving process about Ethiopia’s sorrows continues today.

One can also safely state there is consensus, at least among the commenting class that we all wish to see a Democratic Ethiopia.  We wish to see an Ethiopia in which democratic institutions thrive; and an Ethiopia whose leaders have an unflinching commitment to democratic values; and a country whose leaders have purged themselves of all forms of demagogic and prejudicial impulses.

There is consensus that we all wish to see a united Ethiopia. By this we mean one country, one people, with differentiated cultures but a common root. Diversity with a common root!

There is consensus that we wish to have an Ethiopia whose sovereignty is unquestioned—unquestioned by outsiders, and certainly not questioned by its children.

There is consensus that we wish to have an Ethiopia whose integrity is not violated. By this we mean that the assurance of sovereignty is necessary but not sufficient: it must also be respected.

There is consensus that we wish to see a developed Ethiopia: developed socially, economically, scientifically and technologically.

There is some understanding that the threats to Ethiopia are not just from nationalistic forces, but also from the coalescing forces on the horizon that are likely to emerge in the very near future.

There is some understanding that there should be a unified response to the questions of land ownership, religion and ethnic federalism.

While there have not yet been clearly articulated positions on some or all of the issues mentioned above, one can see genuine efforts by many to grapple with them. Diaspora Ethiopians have made significant contributions in all of these areas including intellectually, materially and organizationally.

So what is lacking? And why have sincere efforts not produced desired and stated objectives?

The Fracture

Our country is distressed, and it needs our attention. Each person has an opportunity to contribute their talents and unleash some of their potential. And that is nowhere more important than in the organizations we help create.

Just like Ethiopians in general, the organizations they have created have also been divided on ethnic lines. Ethnicity emerges when it is relevant as a means of furthering emergent collective interests, and changes according to political changes in society. This has also been true of the organizations that have been created. The current generation and the one just before it sees itself as belonging to an ethnic group first, and the prominence of ‘citizenship’ is not as strong as we might otherwise wish to see. This particular issue must be of concern to all because of the challenges it presents, and the fracturing of interests only exasperates it further. The ruling party has also used this as a wedge issue between and among the populous.

So, what are the main factors that I believe are responsible for the fracturing of our present?

1. Inability or unwillingness to see Ethiopia as our collective responsibility, and not recognizing that the salvation to the country could only emerge from within its own children.

Does this have to do with the fundamental absence of leadership? The case can be made that not everyone is willing to contribute their share or that it is difficult to avoid free riders.  Based on my own limited experiences, I can state that even when there has been adequate leadership, few have been willing to follow, and that not everyone feels the same way in their obligation towards the country. What seems to be prevalent is that in most situations, public appearances are exhibited, pronouncements are made, and efforts dissipate as soon as they are initiated. I will relate this tendency to attendance at a mass. Diaspora Ethiopians see involvement in public discourse regarding the country and the attendant responsibilities akin to attending mass at a religious event: self-expressions are made, silent reflections observed, and pronouncements rendered for public consumption, and every one goes home to continue doing what they did the day before. I believe that such is our attitude, and this requires change.

We need to see the challenges of the country as our own personal challenges as well. We need to envision our collective efforts as efforts that have value for society. We must envision outcomes that will excite people and be useful: useful to government, NGO’s or business. We should envision what we do as creating interest in someone and giving him or her a solution that they can apply or implement. One way that is helpful in this regard is to think of our responsibilities as follows: in a place where there is a respiratory epidemic, we can’t get away from the respiratory ailments of others because we all have to breath! Only Ethiopia’s children can collectively eradicate its problems. True, we may have lost belief in our country, in our leaders, in our talent pool, and in our governance systems. To make matters worse, most of us may not fathom action—we appear to be more interested in self-expressions.  We can and should become clear-eyed enough not to confuse our well-intentioned pronouncements with sincere and dedicated commitment to effort. Change occurs when people feel the urgency to commit to effort. I believe it was Martin Luther King Jr. who once said that people of ill will seem to have devoted more time to what they believe in than people of good will do. Perhaps we have a lot to learn from these words.

2. Capability for people to think by themselves, but inability to think not just of themselves.

To make Ethiopia self-reliant as much as possible; to help Ethiopians to continue to be hardworking and resourceful, so as to build the country into a moderately great modern state; to make Ethiopia moderately prosperous, democratic, culturally and technologically successful; to make the country harmonious and safe for its citizens; and to make the country ecologically viable, requires a level of self-lessness that most may not be prepared to make. Even when such visions exist, the underlying intent is of a personal nature.  I concede here that I can only make these observations of my contemporaries, and of those with whom I have interacted. One thing I know is that we will never find out what rectitude commands if we are driven solely by our interests. We should strive to do our duty.

3. Unmatched levels of commitment to the personal proclamations to making Ethiopia a better place.

No one denies that the most important assets, particularly for political organizations, are time, effort, money (resources) and brainpower. These are essential to building durable and independent political organizations. Depending on the organization or group, some are bereft of all, others lack a combination of some, and almost all seem to lack the effort and commitment required. To be sure, there is no shortage of individuals who take delight in huge pronouncements about which direction the country should move, and what policies are required to accomplish that.

There are no shortages of individuals joining disparate organizations in search of ideas, leadership, and examples of success. There is so much activity and movement between and among organizations and entities that it is mind-boggling. Some organizations purport unrealistic political ambitions; some can’t even bring 50 people together; others remain just an online presence; and still others may not even have political relevance given the realities. Yet they exist, and one would have to assume they serve a purpose. When an organization is created, a counter-organization pops up somewhere. The nomadic-like movement in search of organizations to join; the lack of ethical responsibilities that manifest in that process; and the awkward and uncomfortable explanations provided for such behavior are too common as well as mind-numbing. This explains, at least in part, why there have been failures and ineffectiveness in political organizations that have been created both at home and abroad. A useful point to remember is that those who invest the most are the last to surrender!

As I conclude this brief essay, I wish to acknowledge that there are honorable, dignified and extremely dedicated Ethiopians in the Diaspora who have sacrificed and continue to sacrifice in time and effort as well as materially. Any level of material representation of what is good of the Diaspora is due to the efforts and commitment of these individuals, the organizations they have created and lead, and the untiring nature of their efforts. Yet, it wouldn’t be too difficult to imagine how more successful their efforts would have been had there been minimal disruptions to their efforts as a consequence of these fractures.

My aim in addressing this issue is, to once again, appeal for unity and collaboration as I did in my address in 2016.  People should have the freedom to join whatever organization they wish. Yet, the incessant creation of pseudo-organizations, in some cases without real focus, and the ethical questions that arise as people commit to more than one political organization at the same time is not only counterproductive but also helps accelerate the fractures that prevent us from fulfilling our duties. It begs repeating this point: we should applaud all those who have tasted activism and have been reinvigorated by the opportunity to belong and to be a part of something. In my opinion, it is also critical to contemplate the inevitability that differing priorities would emerge, and sometimes, the solidarity that is vital for a sustained effort to achieve common goals could be damaged in the face of and as a consequence of these sometimes unnecessary and unwise fractures.

Dr. Teshome Abebe, Professor Laureate and Professor of Economics, is a former Provost and Vice President for Academic Affairs, and may be reached at: teshome2008@gmail.com.

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CAIRO (Reuters) – Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi pledged on Thursday not to let differences over a dam Ethiopia is building on the Nile river ruin relations with Addis Ababa.

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By Birhanemeskel Abebe Segni

There are three issues that the TPLF is likely to use for its sinister and divisive purposes to divide the Oromo and Amhara alliances unless the OPDO and ANDM immediately own those issues and decide both the timing and the strategy of addressing them. These are 1) issue of political prisoners, 2) the issue of Addis Ababa, and 3) the issue of making Afaan Oromo federal working language.

The TPLF can easily frame these three issues in divisive manners unless the Oromo and Amhara people immediately own these issues and decides to address them jointly; and the OPDO and ANDM provide the requisite leadership both at the Federal, Addis Ababa and Regional levels.

Let’s see each of them one by one.

1. The Issue of Political Prisoners.

99.9% of political prisoners in Ethiopia are Oromo and Amhara nationals. TPLF arrested them wholesale and in mass. These arrests were made by political decision of the TPLF and carried out by the security apparatus run by the TPLF. As the result of the mounting pressure from the Oromo protests and the Amhara resistance, the TPLF is now forced to release them. Yet, the retail release of these political prisoners who were arrested wholesale is being used in such a way that the TPLF will get some political divided both nationally and internationally. For instance, the release of Dr. Merera Gudina, a prominent Oromo politician, yesterday without releasing an Amhara politician of similar stature was a political decision made by the TPLF. Had they released Dr. Merera with an Amhara politician, imagine their joint appearance in Addis Ababa and the popular joy and unity that would have brought all over the world. Add to that the Demitsechin Yisema Group. That would have unified the country and mobilized the people from east to west and from north to south. Now, as the Oromo people rejoice, the Amhara people are waiting. When the Amhara people rejoice at the release of some Amhara politicians, the Oromo people will be waiting for the release of the next cluster. The same holds true of the Muslim community. In this way, the TPLF is not only denying joint celebration but also is using it divide the victims of the same repression. The OPDO and the ANDM should have negotiated the manners of the unconditional release of all political prisoners in details to deny the TPLF this divisive role. The issues of political prisoners are a unifying and cross-cutting issue among all Ethiopians. Yet, it could also be used to divide the victims by playing one victim against the other. The Oromo and Amhara people must understand this fact and act in unison to deny the TPLF its desired goals by jointly celebrating when political prisoners are released, as well as by jointly calling for the unconditional and immediate release of all political prisoners.

2. The issue of Addis Ababa

The project of separating Addis Ababa from the former Shewa Province was introduced by the TPLF as part of breaking the political and economic influence of Shewa Oromo and Shewa Amhara alliance in Ethiopia. The stated goal of the TPLF was to end the Shewan dominance in Ethiopia. As part of that TPLF project to break Shewa, Emperor Menelik and Ras Gobana, the two leaders one should have credited for the creation Ethiopia as we know it today, are painted as twin evils and symbols of all the ills in Ethiopia. As part of the same project, the former Shewa province was divided into seven small parts in order to make it powerless. Again, this divide and rule policy were sold as the divide between Oromo and Amhara with the TPLF as the peacemaker. This is pure TPLF poly. The Oromo and Amhara people should take the issue of Addis Ababa away from the TPLF. TPLF cannot be both the creator of the problem and the solution provider. The TPLF and other groups may have an auxiliary role in matters of Addis Ababa, but providing p a permanent solution in settling the issue of Addis Ababa rests with the Oromo and Amhara people. The Oromo and Amhara people must own this issue and solve it in a way that will protect the best interests of both people and other Ethiopians living in Addis Ababa by providing visionary leadership. OPDO and ANDM should take the lead in setting the strategy and the timetable for settling this issue instead of running on the timetable of the TPLF. TPLF could easily use the issue of Addis Ababa to divide the Oromo and Amhara people to prolong its lifeline. And that lifeline will neither benefit the Oromo nor the Amhara except the TPLF.

3. The issue of making Afaan Oromo federal working language.

Again this is one of the key issues for the Oromo people. As long as the wall of exclusion and marginalization of the Oromo people from the economic, political and social life of Ethiopia by using language remains in place, the situation of the Oromo people will continue to be precarious every passing day. This is an issue that needs an immediate solution. Afaan Oromo must be made federal working language alongside with Amharic immediately. Here again, the TPLF could easily play Afaan Oromo against Amharic unless the Oromo and Amhara people own the issue and skillfully handle it. The OPDO and ANDM leadership must make the issue of making Afaan Oromo federal working language a joint agenda of the Oromo and Amhara people. The TPLF should not be allowed to use this critical issue as a tool of political division and infighting between the Oromo and Amhara people. In fact, I would suggest that the OPDO and the ANDM make Afaan Oromo one of the key joint agenda of the Oromo and Amhara collaboration. That is good for Ethiopia, and it is good to strengthen the fraternity and brotherhood of the Oromo and the Amhara people.

Therefore, it is critically important for the Oromo and Amhara people, politicians, activists, and scholars to understand the importance and implications of these issues and own them and provide leadership on them. Progressive elements within the OPDO and ANDM should also seriously consider their moves both in terms of timing, priority, and strategy in solving those issues without being derailed or fall into the trap the TPLF might set for them.

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By Prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam

Author’s Note:  Earlier this week, Americans celebrated what would have been Dr. Martin Luther King Jr’s 89^th birthday.

I believe it is timely to reflect on Dr. King’s lifelong message of nonviolence, peace, reconciliation in the context of Ethiopia’s dire crises today and building of a new Beloved Ethiopian Community .

In Dr. King’s vision of the Beloved Community, poverty, hunger, war, violence and other similar evils have no place in society because global consciousness and morality will not allow them. In the Beloved Community, conflict and disputes will be resolved by peaceful means among adversaries in a reconciliation process. In the Beloved Community, trust trumps fear. Ttruth is spoken to power. The divinity in humanity is cherished. Bigotry is replaced with tolerance and understanding. Bitterness and hate are purged through self-purification to achieve harmony. Human rights correct government wrongs. Dr. King wrote, “The aftermath of nonviolence is the creation of the beloved community, while the aftermath of violence is tragic bitterness.”

It is sad that Dr. King’s vision of the Beloved Community today remains a dream, a tattered one. War and violence are everywhere. Racism, sexism, xenophobia, corruption, environmental destruction, human rights violation and poverty continue to rear their ugly heads.

But the struggle to build the Beloved Community is a never-ending labor of love. It must must go on without pause or rest.

In his book “Stride Towards Freedom”, Dr. King wrote, “Human progress is neither automatic nor inevitable.  Even a superficial look at history reveals that no social advance rolls in on the wheels inevitability.  Every step towards the goal of justice requires sacrifice, suffering, and struggle; the tireless exertions and passionate concern of dedicated individuals.  Without persistent effort, time itself becomes an ally of the insurgent and primitive forces of irrational emotionalism and social destruction.  This is no time for apathy or complacency. This is a time for vigorous and positive action.”

I believe this is the right “time for vigorous and positive action” in Ethiopia. Ethiopia’s Cheetahs (young people) are making the ultimate sacrifices, suffering torture in prisons in untold numbers. They are angry and hungry. They yearn to be free, free from an ethnic apartheid system. They understand that only the can save themselves and change and progress will not be delivered to them on a silver platter.

I consider myself a follower of Dr. King and proselytizer of his philosophy of nonviolence and truth. In many of my commentaries, I have invoked or quoted his wisdom. In my January 2015 commentary, “When will You Be Satisfied”, I examined a rhetorical question Dr. King posed in his “I Have a Dream Speech” in August 1963.

African struggles inspired Dr. King and Dr. King’s work should inspire Ethiopians today  

Dr. King believed colonial oppression in Africa and racial oppression in America brought Africans and African Americans closer together. He saw their struggles mirroring each other.

Few people are aware that Dr. King was deeply inspired by the anti-colonial struggles of Africans. In December 1965, in a speech on Human Rights Day, Dr. King said, “The civil rights movement in the United States has derived immense inspiration from the successful struggles of those Africans who have attained freedom in their own nation’s. The fact that black men govern States, are building democratic institutions, sit in world tribunals, and participate in global decision-making gives every Negro a needed sense of dignity.”

Dr. King later recounted how he felt when he learned he would be going to Ghana in an interview:

… the minute I knew I was coming to Ghana I had a very deep emotional feeling, I’m sure. Thinking of the fact that a new nation was being born symbolized something of the fact that a new order is coming into being and an old order is passing away. So that I was deeply concerned about it. And I wanted to be involved in it, and be a part of it, and notice the birth of this new nation with my own eyes. So that is why I’m here.

In April 1957, in a sermon entitled “The Birth of a New Nation”, at Dexter Baptist Church, Dr. King preached a sermon that should carry a strong message to Ethiopians:

… Ghana has something to say to us. It says to us first that the oppressor never voluntarily gives freedom to the oppressed. You have to work for it. And if Nkrumah and the people of the Gold Coast had not stood up persistently, revolting against the system, it would still be a colony of the British Empire. Freedom is never given to anybody, for the oppressor has you in domination because he plans to keep you there, and he never voluntarily gives it up. And that is where the strong resistance comes—privileged classes never give up their privileges without strong resistance.

So don’t go out this morning with any illusions. Don’t go back into your homes and around Montgomery thinking that the Montgomery City Commission and that all of the forces in the leadership of the South will eventually work out this thing for Negroes. It’s going to work out; it’s going to roll in on the wheels of inevitability. If we wait for it to work itself out, it will never be worked out. Freedom only comes through persistent revolt, through persistent agitation, through persistently rising up against the system of evil…  We’ve got to keep on keeping on in order to gain freedom. It never comes like that. It would be fortunate if the people in power had sense enough to go on and give up, but they don’t do it like that. It is not done voluntarily, but it is done through the pressure that comes about from people who are oppressed. (Emphasis added.)

In 1965, Dr. King was acutely aware of the fact that we lived in “an era in which the issue of human rights is the central question confronting all nations.” He challenged the “incendiary words of the South African philosophy spoken by its Prime Minister, Dr. Verwoerd: ‘We want to keep South Africa white. Keeping it white can only mean one thing, namely, white domination, not ‘leadership’, not ‘guidance’, but control, supremacy.’”

Dr. King was talking about white minority racial apartheid.

Do his words apply equally to black ethnic minority apartheid regime in Ethiopia where one group has total and complete control and domination of the politics, economics, military, security and bureaucratic institutions?

What is the relevance of Dr. King’s civil rights message to the human rights struggle in Ethiopia today?

The growl of Ethiopia’s Cheetahs (young people) 

Dr. King insisted nonviolence is not cowardice or passive idealism, but a practical and pragmatic method of conflict resolution and resolving differences.

In “Strides Toward Freedom”, wherein he sets his basic principles of nonviolence, Dr. King wrote, “it must be emphasized that nonviolent resistance is not a method for cowards; it does resist… While the nonviolent resister is passive in the sense that he is not physically aggressive toward his opponent, his mind and emotions are always active, constantly seeking to persuade his opponent that he is wrong. The method is passive physically, but strongly active spiritually. It is not passive nonresistance to evil, it is active nonviolent resistance to evil.”

That is why I believe Ethiopia’s young people who are standing up nonviolently to the the Thugtatorship of Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (T-TPLF) and demanding, “Give me liberty or give me death” are the most courageous people in the world. They understand Gandhi’s maxim that “Strength does not come from physical capacity. It comes from an indomitable will.” Their will to free from an ethnic apartheid system is  is unstoppable,  irrepressible.

In 1968, Dr. King gave a speech at a high school. He said, “A riot is the language of the unheard.  And, what is it that America has failed to hear? It has failed to hear that the economic plight of the Negro poor has worsened over the last few years.”

For the past several years, young Ethiopians – those in high schools and colleges and others— have been protesting, demonstrating, dying and going to jail because their cries have been unheard.

I believe the protests, demonstrations, acts of civil disobedience and nonviolent resistance of Ethiopia’s young people today represent the growl of unheard Cheetahs.

What are Ethiopia’s Cheetahs growling for?

The T-TPLF has been tone deaf to the young people’s cries for equal opportunity, for jobs, for quality education, for health care, for freedom to speak their minds and use their creative faculties and energies. They are told the country is growing by “double digits” and they are falling behind by triple digits. They have no voice in the way they are governed.

That growl is now sounding more and more like the metaphorical youth ticking bomb in every hamlet, town and city throughout the country.

Ethiopia’s young people should have no illusion about the Wounded Beast and the Ethiopian Beauty. The Wounded Beast will never, never voluntarily give Beautiful Ethiopia her freedom.

That is why Ethiopia’s Cheetahs must continue to engage in persistent revolt, persistent agitation and persistently resist, disobey and rise up against the TPLF Wounded Beast.

They must know that the Wounded Beast has feet of clay.

I have always had the great respect and admiration for Ethiopia’s youth struggling for their freedom.

They live in a place of wrath and tears, yet they are unafraid. Their heads are bludgeoned but unbowed. Their souls are tormented but remains unconquerable.  They are masters of their fate and captains of Ethiopia’s destiny.

They are Ethiopia’s Cheetahs Invictus.

They have done it all with the most powerful weapon  in the world: Nonviolence.

Unarmed truth and unconditional love

In his 1964 Nobel Prize acceptance speech, Dr. King said, “I believe that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word in reality. This is why right temporarily defeated is stronger than evil triumphant.”

There are those who say Dr. King used the phrase “unarmed truth” to refer to truth-seeking or acquisition without arms or violence.

I believe he used the phrase to simply describe the need to tell the naked truth, the unvarnished, simple and pure truth about evils in society.

In his April 1967 sermon at the Ebenezer Baptist Church, “It’s a Dark Day in Our Nation”, Dr. King talked about the “truth” in the Vietnam War and other global conflicts. He said it “has come for America to hear the truth about this tragic war” and the “truth is hard to come by in international conflicts because most nations are deceived about themselves.” He declared, “He who lives with untruth lives in spiritual slavery. Freedom is still the bonus we receive for knowing the truth. ‘Ye shall know the truth,’ says Jesus, ‘and the truth shall set you free.’”

Thus, the truth is the foundation of freedom, love, peace, harmony, justice, democracy and reconciliation.

In his 1967 speech, “The Other America”, at Stanford University, he said “there something that truth impels all men of good will to admit” about racial inequality in America. In that speech, he also talked about how we shall overcome by practicing unconditional love and reconciliation.

We shall overcome because the arc of the moral universe is long but it bends toward Justice… No lie can live forever… Truth crushed to earth will rise again… Truth forever on the scaffold, Wrong forever on the throne — Yet that scaffold sways the future… With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope… transform the jangling discourse of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to speed up the day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and live together as brothers and sisters, all over this great nation. That will be a great day, that will be a great tomorrow.

There is today, “The Other Ethiopia”. It is an Ethiopia fragmented into ethnic homelands. It is an Ethiopia where minority rule has triumphed over majority rule. It is an Ethiopia where might makes right. It is an Ethiopia where one’s ethnicity is more important than one’s character or ability. It is an Ethiopia where government wrongs have triumphed over human rights.

There is something that truth impels all Ethiopians of good will to admit and proclaim about an evil police state system where ethnic supremacy and inequality are the laws of the land.

There can be no future for Ethiopia framed in lies, damned lies and statislies.

Truth in Ethiopia cannot hang at the end of the hangman’s noose nor liars remain perched on the throne forever.

But with truth-based reconciliation, faith in our enduring and everlasting Ethiopiawinet, we can finally transform the jangling discourse of Ethiopia into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood and sisterhood.

With truth-based reconciliation, we will be able to speed up the day when all of God’s children — Oromos, Amharas, Tigreans, Gurages, Somalis, Afaris, Christians, Muslims and all others — will be able to join hands and live together as brothers and sisters all over Ethiopia.

That will be a great day in Ethiopia. That will be a great tomorrow for Ethiopia.

That great day has arrived. It is TODAY!  

Dr. King often dreamt about the “Beloved Community” of unconditional love. In his Beloved Community, poverty, violence, injustice and racism in all its forms will not be tolerated. Disputes would be resolved by “creating a situation so crisis-packed that it will inevitably open the door to negotiation”.

In Dr. King’s “Beloved Community”, negotiation is not about one-upmanship, gamesmanship, showmanship or brinksmanship. It is simply about truth and reconciliation. The negotiators are guided by a single principle. Find the truth and the way to reconciliation will be opened to you.

The negotiation to create create the Beloved Ethiopian Community is fully underway now in Ethiopia. Ethiopians are reaching out to each other across religious, ethnic, regional and linguistic lines. The negotiation is not between good and evil. It is between good people working together to get rid of an evil system in Ethiopia.

Everything is negotiable except the truth. The truth about an evil system that thrives on man’s inhumanity to man and makes man wolf to man must be exposed, condemned and forever banished to the trash heap of history.

Dr. King wrote, “The aftermath of nonviolence is the creation of the beloved community, while the aftermath of violence is tragic bitterness.”

How long? Eske Meche (እስከ መቼ!)?

In a March 1965 speech at conclusion of the Selma to Montgomery March, Dr. King spoke about the importance of practicing nonviolence and the arrival of the Freedom Train.

It was the same Freedom Train that Langston Hughes so poetically yearned: Freedom Train/ I heard on the radio about the/ Freedom Train/ I seen folks talking about the/ Freedom Train/ Lord, I’ve been a-waitin’ for the/ Freedom Train!… /…..Then I’ll shout, Glory for the/ Freedom Train!/ I’ll holler, Blow your whistle,/ Freedom Train!/ Thank God-A-Mighty! Here’s the Freedom Train!/ Get on board our Freedom Train!

Dr. King told the exhausted crowd:

I know you are asking today, “How long will it take?” Somebody’s asking, “How long will prejudice blind the visions of men, darken their understanding, and drive bright-eyed wisdom from her sacred throne?” Somebody’s asking, “When will wounded justice, lying prostrate on the streets of Selma and Birmingham and communities all over the South, be lifted from this dust of shame to reign supreme among the children of men?” Somebody’s asking, “When will the radiant star of hope be plunged against the nocturnal bosom of this lonely night, plucked from weary souls with chains of fear and the manacles of death? How long will justice be crucified, and truth bear it?”

I come to say to you this afternoon, however difficult the moment, however frustrating the hour, it will not be long, because “truth crushed to earth will rise again.”

How long? Not long, because “no lie can live forever.”

How long? Not long, because “you shall reap what you sow.”

How long, eske meche (እስከ መቼ!) will wounded justice, lying prostrate on the dirt roads in the countryside and the highways be lifted and the hearts and minds of every Ethiopian healed?

Not long! Qenu derswal (ቀኑ ደርሷል)!

How long, eske meche (እስከ መቼ!) before the truth crushed to earth rise up again in Ethiopia?

Not long! Qenu derswal (ቀኑ ደርሷል)!

When will the dark cloud of oppression be lifted from the Ethiopian skies and the sun return to the Land of 13 Months of Sunshine?

Not long! Qenu derswal (ቀኑ ደርሷል)!

How long will justice be crucified in Ethiopia, and truth bear it?

Not long! Qenu derswal (ቀኑ ደርሷል)!

How long before Ethiopia is free from the yoke of ethnic apartheid?

Not long! Qenu derswal (ቀኑ ደርሷል)!

We shall overcome!

We – all Ethiopians from north to south, east to west — dressed in our resplendent regalia of green, yellow and red ETHIOPIAWINET shall overcome because truth forever will not hang from the scaffold nor wrong forever sit on the throne forever in OUR BELOVED ETHIOPIA!

እልም አለ ባቡሩ: ኢትዮጵያዎንችን  ይዞ በሙሉ!

Everybody, get on board the Ethiopian Freedom Train!

ETHIOPIAWINET TODAY

ETHIOPIAWINET TOMORROW

ETHIOPIAWINET FOREVER!

The post Unarmed Truth and Unconditional Love (Reconciliation): Dr. Martin Luther King’s Message to Ethiopians Today appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Tedla Woldeyohannes, Ph.D.

Since the announcement made by the Ethiopian Prime Minister on January 3^rd, 2018 about releasing “political prisoners”, this topic has received a lot of attention and has become a sensational news item as well. In this article, I want to underscore a few points for the public to consider in the process of understanding the news about “political prisoners” in Ethiopia. One key thing to note at the very beginning: Millions of People in Ethiopia demanded for a release of all political prisoners or prisoners of conscience. There has never been a popular demand for a release of criminals of any type.  The government denies that there is any political prisoner in Ethiopia, even one. The same government goes on and releases some prisoners—whom the regime calls politicians who allegedly have committed crimes—in short, criminals who happen to be politicians. The people demand, again, the release of all political prisoners. The government insists that there are no political prisoners to release.

In this preceding process, many people have come to believe that pressure from the people on the government is bearing fruit in the release of some political prisoners when the government did not admit the existence of even a single political prisoner. How can we explain this? : — The regime claims the number of political prisoners in Ethiopia is zero.  The people demand a release of all political prisoners, which in the view of the government is releasing zero political prisoners. Note that “all” for the one group means “zero” for the other. Those who demand for “all” political prisoners are by no means saying their demand is for a release of “zero” political prisoners. Also, why does the release of some “criminals” who happen to be politicians, according to the regime, count as releasing political prisoners, according to the people who have been demanding the release of political prisoners?

Let us be clear on what is going on when we use the term “political prisoners” since this term has acquired different meanings, especially intentionally given to it by the regime in power to score some important political points at the expense of what is actually happening in reality. Just one day after the  news that the Ethiopian Prime Minister  announced the release of what has come to be reported as “political prisoners”, the Prime Minister’s office  corrected the BBC report that stated political prisoners were going to be released by claiming that those who would be released are politicians who have allegedly committed some crimes. To say that there are politicians who have allegedly committed various crimes does not mean that these same people are political prisoners or prisoners of conscience according to the regime. The way we use words can have significant consequences and hence the main reason for this piece. Let’s consider the following points.

First, to see one consequence of the government’s denial that there are political prisoners in Ethiopia when lots of media outlets report, including lots of social media [Facebook] posts talk about the  release of some political prisoners, we must pause and ask: Who is benefiting from such confusion? When the regime denies the existence of political prisoners in Ethiopia, why, especially, would citizens who have been demanding the release of ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS talk about the release of political prisoners when the government releases some prisoners and calls them politicians who have allegedly committed some crimes? Aren’t the same citizens who demand a release of all political prisoners inadvertently helping the government in the government’s attempt to confuse people, especially the international community, by appearing that the government is making some important changes in its relation to political dissidents? Aren’t the people inadvertently helping the government by spreading the narrative the government desperately wants  that states  the government has begun making a real change in the right direction when it fact that is not the case? A realistic and a correct response to the government has to be demanding that the government clearly, unequivocally admit that there are political prisoners in Ethiopia for which  the government must take a  responsibility. This has never happened and it matters—it’s not just a matter of disagreement about the definition of political prisoners. The denial of the existence of political prisoners has significant practical consequences. The public must continue to demand until the regime unequivocally admits that it targets citizens for their political beliefs and begins to practically stop doing so with compelling evidence that shows there is a real change.

Second, let’s ask this question: What is the point of releasing some politicians who have allegedly committed crimes?  Remember that the government is claiming that the release of some of these prisoners is to open up space for democracy and national reconciliation. But the whole premise or condition for opening up space for democracy and national reconciliation is based on a façade or farcical reason which is simply false. A government can’t open up a democratic space *without first admitting* that there is a fundamental problem, i.e., there is a serious lack of democratic space to begin with. Holding prisoners of conscience for their political beliefs is anti-democratic, or it is a clear and an egregious violation of the rights of citizens to peacefully organize themselves in order to promote their political views.  If there has never been political prisoners to begin with, and consequently no political prisoners are released because there are none to begin with, why use releasing some prisoners as evidence for meeting one of the conditions for a democratic process and national reconciliation? The bottom-line:  Without clearly *admitting* that there are political prisoners and without releasing *all* political prisoners without any precondition, the regime is only engaging in releasing *some prisoners*, which so many groups call political prisoners, which they actually are, but the regime would not call them as such. At the end of the day, the key difference between what the government calls some of the released prisoners and what the public call them is not a matter of semantics, or the meaning of words or a verbal dispute. The consequence of what is going on cannot be emphasized enough: Without admitting that there are political prisoners or prisoners of conscience, the government has no ground to claim that it has made a real change regarding one of the essential conditions to open up a democratic space and a ground for national reconciliation. To release prisoners who happen to be politicians and also who allegedly have said to have committed various crimes does not address the most important question whether the regime is genuinely committed to opening up a space for democracy and national reconciliation. The answer is clearly no, not at all.

The public must bear in mind this: The refusal by the government to admit that it targets citizens for their political beliefs and then arrests them and charges them with various crimes using or rather abusing laws such as the anti-terrorism law, and at times releases some of them as pardoned criminals who happen to be politicians is compelling evidence that there is no real change in how this same government treats citizens for their political beliefs. This same pattern of operation by the regime is also evidence that there is no guarantee or even the slightest assurance  that the government will stop persecuting citizens for their political beliefs and peaceful activities that are consistent with their political beliefs. Therefore, to give  credit that this government has made a real change  and has taken a step in the right direction as many have said  when it comes to political prisoners is only spreading the narrative the regime wants and to be fooled again and again by the same tricks of the same government.

Finally, note that I am not denying that some prisoners have been released and these prisoners are political prisoners. My key point is that to give credit to the regime by saying the regime is making real change in how it treats political prisoners and is now opening up a space for democracy and national reconciliation is wrong since opening up space for democracy and national reconciliation requires unequivocally admitting that there was a serious lack of democracy to begin with that led to targeting citizens for their political beliefs and consequently citizens have been arrested and tortured for their political views.  There is no evidence to believe that the regime is making any real change in this important direction. Failing to demand that the regime bring about a real change is failing to fight the regime where the real issue is. Releasing some prisoners calling them politicians who have allegedly committed crimes is a cosmetic change that must not count as a real, genuine change. The struggle for a real change must continue.

Tedla Woldeyohannes teaches philosophy at Southwestern Illinois College and can be reached at twoldeyo@slu.edu

The post On Releasing “Political Prisoners”—What is going on in Ethiopia? appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

An Eye Witness Account by an American Author/Journalist.
By Kidane Alemayehu and Konjit Meshesha

“They (two British soldiers) observed a man standing near a haystack with a revolver in his hand. When he saw them prepare to fire, he ran behind a haystack, and both men heard plainly a shot fired. They came to the haystack, they saw the man who had run behind lying prostrate on the ground dying, with the revolver still convulsively clutched in his right hand.” 

The inscription on a silver plate attached to the revolver read:  

PRESENTED

BY

VICTORIA

QUEEN OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND

TO

THEODORUS

EMPEROR OF ABYSSINIA

AS A SLIGHT TOKEN OF HER GRATITUDE

FOR HIS KINDNESS TO HER SERVANT PLOWDEN

1854 

The above graphic record is provided in the fascinating book entitled “Coomassie and Magdala” by Henry M. Stanley (1874) who had traveled to Ethiopia as a war correspondent for the New York Herald accompanying the British force that was led by Lieut. -General Sir Robert Napier in 1868. This article is based on his detailed record of what transpired on the last day of Emperor Tewodros’ life as presented in Stanley’s book, pp 449-464. It also presents the astute observation and detailed record of the Magdala loot by Stanley in pp 454-462. It is to be recalled that the purpose of the British force’s incursion into Ethiopia was to achieve the release of British nationals imprisoned by Emperor Tewodros mainly due to the fact that Queen Victoria failed to respond to his diplomatic initiatives for increased ties between Great Britain and Ethiopia.  

To continue with Stanley’s account:  

Emperor Tewodros’ body was drawn to the center of the spot where the British regiment had halted. By then, the British army had full control of Magdala and loud cheers of “Hurrah!” and “God save the Queen” were being expressed with enthusiasm. 

Although seriously wounded, Emperor Tewodros was still alive. Some Ethiopians saw the body and cried out his name thereby identifying him conclusively. According to Stanley’s definition of the body, it looked like “…. a native seemingly half famished; clad in coarse upper garments, dingy with wear, and ragged with tear, covering under garments of clean linen!”. He had been fighting in disguise to avoid being shot by marksmen. 

His face was “deep brown” with a “well defined (and) thin mouth” and “two rows of whitest teeth”. He had an “aquiline nose and his nostrils expanded widely as he struggled to retain the breath which was rapidly leaving him. ” His “face was broad, highcheek-boned, with a high prominent forehead, and overhanging brows.” “ His hair was divided into three large plaits extending from the forehead to the back of the neck…” The body measured “ 5 feet and 8 inches, and was very muscular and broad-chested”. 

A subsequent post-mortem revealed that he had sustained “only a slight flesh wound on his right leg,” and in addition “his palate was destroyed, the roof of the mouth scorched, and a hole found through the back of the head” leading to the conclusion that “a pistol fired in the mouth had caused the death”. 

On confirmation that the body was that of Emperor Tewodros, “the Irish soldiers took hold of his legs, and roughly dragged him to the hammock, where, after two or three gasps, he breathed his last.” 

The British soldiers present were mocking him but one of them “covered the bare abdomen and folded the arms upon the breast”. Soon, the crowd around the body grew bigger “trying to get a glimpse” of it including the former captives who also confirmed his identity. 

Sir Napier rode up to view the corpse but no words of sympathy were expressed. 

Stanley continues to write: “I strolled to where the dead body of the late Master of Magdala lay, on his canvas stretcher. I found a mob of officers and men rudely jostling each other in the endeavour to get possession of a small piece of Theodore’s bloodstained shirt. No guard was placed over the body until it was naked….Extended on its hammock, it lay subjected to the taunts and the jests of the brutal-minded. ” On being informed of the situation, Sir Napier gave orders that it should be dressed and prepared for internment the following day. At the request of the Empress, the Emperor’s body was buried at a church in Magdala after a brief ceremony conducted by his priest. 

The last day in the life of Emperor Tewodros started, most probably, around mid-night on April 12, 1868 when he received a final ultimatum from the commander of the British force, Sir Napier, demanding that the Emperor surrender the following day (April 13) by 9:00 a.m. or face an attack.  

The morning of April 13 started with a brilliant sunshine followed, later, by heavy rain and lightening, ending in the evening with a glorious sunset. 

Having failed to achieve the Emperor’s surrender, and on being falsely informed that he had fled to Gojam, the British commander offered a ransom of “50,000 dollars” to whoever captured the Emperor: dead or alive. The commander also took the precautionary step of placing the 3^rd Dragon Guards at the rear of Magdala as “pickets to prevent the retreat of Theodore”. On April 13, the onslaught by the British Army was in full swing. It comprised 1600 Europeans, 800 Beloochees, 800 Punjabees, 42 elephants, and numerous other beasts of burden. 

The British army progressed rapidly with the use of its superior armaments and soon captured Selassie and Fahla and by 2:00 p.m. reached the gates of Magdala which was being bombarded ferociously by British artillery. Stanley writes that Emperor Tewodros was noticed mounted on his white horse observing the progress of the British army and encouraging his much dwindled loyal followers to put up a final struggle. Stanley states that the Emperor shouted: “come on, are ye women, that ye hesitate to attack a few warriors?” However, he had to make a hasty retreat in view of the effective cannon balls wreaking havoc to his army. Nevertheless, Stanley states that the Emperor and his few followers kept on fighting up to the last minute firing their muskets until the British army broke through the fortified Magdala gate. 

As if to confirm Emperor Tewodros’ harsh measures against his Ethiopian opponents, Stanley relates that he witnessed 308 dead people “murdered by Theodore” on April 9.  

After the tragic event of Tewodros’s death, the disciplined British army progressively deteriorated into what Stanley called “ different kinds of military mobs”. Soon, the military mobs spread all over Magdala in search of loot. They ransacked the king’s storehouse, and moved to the imperial quarters where “the men picked up; then, examining the article, pocketed it or threw it down; to be picked up, examined, and pocketed or thrown away by others coming after them”.

From Stanley’s description the plateau of Magdala was dotted with different kinds of dwellings, silken and canvas tents, and what Stanley refers to as koord- like domiciles, cotes, etc. Continuing his observation Stanley states: “ Each of these had mobs around it commenting, gossiping, pocketing, analyzing, breaking into pieces, or tearing into shreds whatever thing their vision or fancy lie upon”. The largest mob was concentrated around the koord- like domiciles. The scene around these treasure tents is described as “a pandemonium breaking out”. He concludes by making a stinging remark not only of the marauding soldiers but also the avarices of three missionaries, a Prussian, German and Russian mechanics that had secured the treasure tents long before the soldiers arrived. The following is an excerpt describing some of the articles that comprised the loot of Magdala.

Stanley opens his account of the loot by stating: “To enumerate even the one-tenth of the articles scattered about would be a task as tiresome as it would be fruitless.” He then continues to give a glimpse of the overwhelming amount of articles spread in front of him.

“In one of the tents was found the imperial standard of Ethiopia-a lion rampant, of the tribe of Judah, worked in variegated colours. In another was found the Imperial seal, with the same distinctive figure of a lion engraved on it. A chalice, of pure gold, was secured by Mr. Holmes, on which was engraved in ancient Ethiopic;- 

THE CHALICE OF

KING ADAM LEGUD CALLED GAZOO

THE SON OF

QUEEN BEHUN MOGUSSA

PRESENTED TO KOSKWAN SANCTUARY GAONDAR

MAY MY BODY AND SOUL BE PURIFIED

15^th century. 

The Abuna’s mitre, 300 years old, of pure gold, probably weighing six or seven pounds troy weight; four royal crowns two of which were very fine workmanship and worth a round sum of money; were worthy things to be placed in a niche of the British museum. A small escritoire richly ornamented with mother of pearl, was found also, full of complimentary letters from European sovereigns, and state papers; besides various shields of exquisite beauty. There were also an infinite variety of gold and silver, and brass crosses, and censers, some of extremely elegant design; golden and silver pots, kettles, dishes, pans; cups of miscellaneous descriptions; richly chased goblets, of the precious metal; Bohemian glasses, Sevres china, and Staffordshire pottery; wine of champagne, burgundy, Greece, Spain and Jerusalem; bottles of Jordan water; jars of arrachi and tej; chests full of ornamental frippery; tents of rose, purple, lilac and white silk; carpets of Persia, of Uschak, Broussa, Kidderminster, and Lyons; robes of fur; war capes of lion, leopard, and wolf skins; saddles magnificently decorated with filigree gold and silver ;numerous shields covered with silver plates; state umbrellas of gorgeous hues, adorned with all the barbaric magnificence that the genius of Begemder and Gondar could fashion; swords and claymores; rapiers, scimitars, yataghans, tulwars, and bilboes;

daggers of Persia, of Damascus, of India, in scabbards of crimson morocco and purple velvet, studded with golden buttons; heaps of parchment royally illuminated; stacks of Amharic Bibles, missals, and numberless albums; ambrotypes and photographs of English, American, French, and Italian scenery; bureaus, desks of cunning make.” 

After enumerating the above articles, the author brings to our attention the size of the loot and the chaos and disorder that reigned all over the plateau. “ Over a space growing more and more extended, the thousand articles were scattered in infinite bewilderment and confusion until they dotted the whole surface of the rocky citadel, the slopes of the hill, and the entire road to camp two miles off!”  

Before the auction each commanding officer selected appropriate mementos for their troops.  

Early in the morning of the third day, the looted treasure was ready to be auctioned off. The pile of trophies was spread over half an acre. Present were Mr. Holmes, a representative of the British museum; a Colonel Fraser, a buyer for a wealthy regiment mess, and private gentlemen who have come ready with funds. As if to give the reader a mental picture of the fierce bidding, Stanley writes, ”Armed with ample funds, he (Mr. Holmes) outbid all in most things. When Theodore’s shield, used by him in his younger days were offered for sale the bidding became energetic and from 10 dollars it speedly went to 200 dollars, for which sum it was purchased by Colonel Fraser”. The auction lasted two days and the money from the sale was distributed among the non-commissioned officers. . 

The auction concluded, the loot of Magdala was loaded on the backs of fifteen elephants and nearly 200 mules ready for the journey out of Ethiopia. 

On the fourth morning of the fall of Magdala, 30,000 Ethiopians descended Magdala to the Dalanta plateau. That same afternoon as spectators took position on the southern edge of Selassie ridge about 1000 yards away, the Royal Engineers torched and destroyed Magdala. Fanned by the wind, three thousand houses with their content perished in the flame. Stanley states, “The intense heat created from the loaded guns, pistols, projectiles and shells thrown in by British batteries exploded with a deafening reports, and projectiles whistled ominously near us. Not one house could have escaped destruction in the mighty ebb and flow of that deluge of fire.” 

After committing Magdala to the scorching flames the British army loaded with the loot of Magdala started its march to the coast. As the rear of the regiment started decent, “cheer after cheer broke from six thousand voices”.  

The return of the loot of Magdala has been an on going battle for Ethiopians and others with a sense of history and justice. Considering the enormous volume of historical manuscripts, books, priceless articles and personal items of Emperor Tewodros that was taken out of Ethiopia, the current struggle through the leadership of Dr. Richard Pankhurst to return and reinstate the loot deserves support. AFROMET, The Association for the Return of Magdala Ethiopian Treasures, with branches in Ethiopia and the United Kingdom, demanding restitution of the loot, has already achieved the repatriation of Tewodros’s amulet, which was given late last year to the Institute of Ethiopian Studies. In addition they are actively campaigning to have a statue erected to Tewodros. Through the good will and effort of the Reverend McLukie, a Scottish priest, and officials of St. John Episcopal Church of Edinburgh, the “Tabot” of St. Michael, was returned to Ethiopia in February 2002. Another area that demands a more organized and increased attention and support is Ethiopian properties in the holy land, i.e. Jerusalem, Jericho, and other urban centers in Israel in order to ensure that Ethiopia’s interests which date back thousands of years are duly protected. 

Thus ended the life of one of the most controversial and dynamic emperors in Ethiopian history. Stanley provides an interesting glimpse of the most critical day in Emperor Tewodros’ life. His book is an account of the British triumph in fulfilling its mission of defeating Emperor Tewodros and in releasing the 61 captives with 187 servants and 323 animals. Stanley, however, fails to mention the fact that the success of the British army was mainly because, by then, Emperor Tewodros had lost the support of most Ethiopians due to his increasingly harsh measures and also because some of the Ethiopian leaders of the time were more interested in their own political objectives. It is interesting to note that Stanley had a very dim view of Ethiopians with perhaps the sole exception of “Prince Kassa” (later Emperor Yohannes) who greatly facilitated the British Army’s mission in many ways including opening the way for its travel all the way to Magdala without any resistance as well as by making provisions available for procurement as needed by its force. Stanley also provides an account of the meetings between the local chiefs and General Napier who was able to negotiate his army’s travel unchallenged from the coast to Magdala. 

Emperor Tewodros’ vision of a united and strong Ethiopia as well as the protection of its rights to its properties in Israel including the Der Sultan monastery remain the dream of all Ethiopians for generations.    

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