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Political Unrest in Ethiopia: The Failure of Top-down Development Approach

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By Tsegaye Tegenu (PhD)

2018-02-22

The political unrest of the youthful population in Ethiopia reflects the failure of top-down development approach in generating economic transformation and entrepreneurial ability at local level. In the local space there is no manufacturing economy that absorb the surplus labor and an economic sector that can be used for technological catch up. Despite six decade long efforts of top-down development, there is still a glaring lack of entrepreneurs that drive productivity growth and innovations at local levels.

Usually states typically intervene in private transactions in a society when such transactions have the potential to benefit a few at the expense of many. In the case of Ethiopia, the reason for state intervention in the economy was different. It was not related to the need to remedy the failure of the market (not related to the idea of addressing market failure). Rather, it was related to the idea of developing the national economy.

This approach has started since the middle of the 1950s every since the launching of The First Five-Year Plan (1955-1961). Since then the government prepared and implemented successive plans to transform agricultural and improve industrial productivity, eradicating illiteracy and diseases, and improving living standards for all Ethiopians.

Top-down programs for promoting local development through transforming communities and sub-regions continued after the 1974 revolution. In 1975, the military socialist regime nationalized private companies, banks, insurance companies and other financial institutions. In March l975, the regime nationalized rural land and granted peasants “possessing rights” to parcels of land not to exceed ten hectares per grantee. After 1991, the same approach continues. The difference is that today’s national and local development program directed by the state is extensive, faster and deeper.

Despite good intentions, the hitherto top-down approach to national and local development has failed to bring sustainable economic growth and poverty reduction. There are vast literatures assessing the performance of government policies (choice, design, implementation and outcomes).  Using meta-theories, such as the concept of underdevelopment, scholars like the late Professor Eshetu Chole, have examined the nature and characteristics of the national economy during the imperial era, the Derg socialist regime, and the post-Derg period. Despite changes in regimes, Ethiopia remained “underdeveloped”, to borrow the word from the title of his book.

The macro-economic thinking, approach and policy performance of the three regimes have been assessed with a display of erudition by Professor Alemayehu Geda, in his book “Reading the Ethiopian Economy”. According to his study, the economic performance of the country, though varied across the three regimes, is “generally disappointing”. Not only there continues scarcity of goods and services, the country also got into debt as it borrowed money from international institutions, and as in the case of large-scale land acquisitions, resources are taken away from local people. The studies of Professor Eshetu and Alemayehu shows that our approach to economic development matters: top-down thinking state-led development or bottom-up approaches led by market and local actors.

Effects of top-down approach

Often top down thinking and approach is criticized for its reasoning at the aggregate level much to the neglect of micro-economic foundations (rationality of households and firms). In the case of Ethiopia this is not only true but also, as the empirical evidence show, the top down approach has stifled the size and growth of the market forces and self-reinforcing economic development process at the local level. As a result, the size of the market based private economy is the least important part of the national economy.

In Ethiopia the top-down development programs have limited effect on private sector development considering the resources invested, the number of years it has taken, and growing size of the population. If there is any top-down effect it was level effect (raising the slop slowly) and not growth effects (modifying growth path at higher rate) and that too happened during the incumbent government in the early 1990s. As a result of the government’s privatization program, liberalization, foreign investment and donor support, the size of the private sector level increased from 11Pct in the early 1991 to 17Pct in 1995 and has remained unchanged significantly since then and stood at 20Pct, currently.

From my point of view the top down perspective and the macro-economic thinking prevailing in the past six decades did not make a proper inquire into the origins of population and market economic systems running in parallel in the country. Analysis of the effects of rapid population growth and the workings of the market (study of individuals, families, firms or other small homogeneous groups as buyers and sellers) are neglected or received only lip services. Under top-down approach and macroeconomic policy models the government is assumed to have full understanding of the transformation and growth problems of the country. Such type of approach and intervention resulted mainly to the growth of the economy directed by the state. According to 3D system accounting of GDP, the size of the economy controlled by the government has increased from 22Pct in 1992 to 39Pct in 2015. The size of this type economy increased at the expense of the market and the population economies (consisting mainly individuals, households and firms).

Studies by distinguished scholars and my 3D methodology of macro aggregate empirical results shows that we have to change in the style of thought and approach to create more jobs, develop technology, increase investment, accelerate economic growth and improve the standards of living. My view is that the top down and macro-economic approaches, which underline the role of the state have a useful role to play in economic thinking and policy, only if it’s underlying microeconomics are understood. It is under this condition where there private sector reach critical mass/size and where there is unflinching local self-development process that we have the right mix of private and state cooperation as we witnessed in the developed countries. Succinctly stated, the horse has to come before the cart, not vice-versa. I advocate the approach of local and private sector development as panacea to economic problems facing the country.

For an extended version of the article please read “Self-development of Private Sector in Ethiopia

For comments I can be reached at Tsegaye.tegenu@epmc.se

 

 

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Ethiopia ponders Oromo lipstick on tyranny (Teshome Borago -Satenaw Columnist)

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By Teshome Borago | Satenaw Columnist

In response to pressure from tribal protests, the TPLF dictatorship in Ethiopia is contemplating to replace its ethnic Welayta prime minister with an Oromo one. But for most Ethiopians, this old band-aid tactic is like putting lipstick on a pig; on a tyranny sustained by policies of systematic corruption, apartheid-federalism, nepotism and state-terrorism for 27 years.

Two leading candidates to become Ethiopian Prime Minister are Lemma Megersa and Abiy Ahmed of the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), an Oromo branch of the ruling party. Other than being Oromos, nobody can provide an experience or merit-based case for both candidates. Lemma was infamous for his controversial decision in 2017, banning ethnic Somali students from schools inside Oromia. Meanwhile, Abiy Ahmed helped spread TPLF’s spy program and he is a chronic self-promoter, who is famous for allegedly interviewing himself and editing his own Wikipedia page. One of the excuses thrown around for appointing Lemma or Abiy as PM has been to “finally” have an Oromo leader for the first time ever, as falsely claimed by foreign reporters who are not aware of Ethiopian history. Unfortunately, thanks to recent vile ethnic politics, many outside journalists do not know that both Ethiopian Emperor Menelik II (Oromo mother) and Emperor Haile Selassie were mixed-Oromos.

Lemma and Abiy’s vocal supporters also claim that both leaders are responsible for transforming OPDO into an independent Oromo organization that overcame the supremacy of TPLF. First of all, it is dehumanizing and disrespectful to Oromo people that the only hope Oromos now have is a “Made in Mekelle” organization that is created by TPLF using Oromo POWs. Secondly, there is no tangible proof that OPDO under Lemma is free from TPLF control. Other than a couple of speeches by Lemma & Abiy promising police accountability, nobody has seen a single TPLF police charged or imprisoned for the massacre of hundreds of innocent Oromos over the last two years.

Another “achievement” hailed by their supporters is the alleged respect for human rights of protestors and citizens displayed by local Oromia cops. But again, this ignores the reality that other minorities (like Somalis,Amaras, mixed and others) have faced death and displacement under the new OPDO leadership the last two years. After more Somali mass killings in Oromia recently, Lemma’s spokesman Mr. Addisu Arega Kitessa even made a disturbing comparison of the human rights of Ethiopian Somalis inside Oromia to that of a foreigner claiming rights in Mombasa. To this day, Lemma and Abiy have never apologized or condemned the humanitarian crisis for non-Oromos under their leadership, as exemplified by the rise of refugee camps all over eastern Oromia & Somali region.

According to media reports, most analysts still expect the TPLF to give thumbs up for an “Oromo prime minister” as a face saving measure. Considering past TPLF strategy of tribal chess games, this move will not be a big surprise. For instance, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn served as a valuable puppet for the ethnic Tigrayan TPLF ruling party. Some naive western analysts and journalists initially thought Desalegn’s rise 5 years ago symbolized a “smooth transition of power” from the late TPLF dictator Meles Zenawi. It took a while for foreign observers to finally realize that real power never changed hands. In reality, it was just a reshuffling of positions to portray a false image that Tigrayans do not control the government. Indeed, Tigrayans inside the TPLF still control the government, judiciary, economy and the military.

Historically, before 2012, the title “President of Ethiopia” was the laughingstock of the country, as a powerless ceremonial post usually reserved for OPDO Oromos to save the face of the TPLF power-brokers. But after 2012, the “Prime Minister” title became the new object of ridicule. When Meles Zenawi died in 2012, the power and the mandate of a Prime Minister died with him. Even the diaspora activist Jawar Mohammed admitted that prime minister Hailemariam Desalegn was himself a “political prisoner” of the TPLF and was essentially liberated from captivity by “resigning” last week.

Consequently, the TPLF will not mind awarding the worthless premiership post to an OPDO Oromo, since there is no real power attached to the title anymore.

Yet, there are still some Oromos who are hopeful and optimistic about changes under an Oromo leadership on paper. They say: What if an Oromo prime minister goes rogue and orders complete removal of all TPLF figures from government & military? Could this happen and change the course of history in Ethiopia? It is very unlikely. Even if it happens, replacing a small minority rule (Tigrayan) with a big minority rule (Oromo) does not guarantee democracy, nor equal rights. Nonetheless, if any future PM or leadership, whether Oromo or not, seek legitimacy, they must:

  1. End the one-party, one-tribe monopoly of economic and political power in Ethiopia
  2. Establish independent institutions and hold free multiparty election.
  3. Allow non-tribal real opposition parties like UDJ/Andinet, Blue Party and the Ginbot 7.
  4. End the disastrous ethnic based apartheid federalism.
  5. Establish genuine & micro federalism at the local level, including self-rule for the urban and self-rule for the rural (both ethnic & cultural communities.)
  6. Promote individual rights and free market economy.
  7. Organize a new Census that permits mixed-Ethiopians to be categorized under “ethnic Ethiopian” identity instead of being assigned or forced to pick one side.
  8. Allow independent and private media in every region, including Tigray.
  9. Allow independent and international observers to oversee the transition to democracy nationwide.
  10. Transform the one-tribe military’s top leadership toward a national inclusive merit-based military.

Teshomeborago@gmail.com

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Chinese investment hotspot and a state of emergency: What’s going on in Ethiopia

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Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn resigned last week following anti-government protests.
A state of emergency has since been imposed on the country.
Ethiopia is one of the world’s fastest growing economies, having achieved double digit gross domestic product growth in recent years.
China provides much of Ethiopia’s foreign direct investment, and the east African country is a linchpin of China’s Belt and Road infrastructure scheme.

Justina Crabtree | @jlacrabtree
CNBC

Minasse Wondimu Hailu | Anadolu Agency | Getty Images

Security measures are taken as the Oromo people protest against government during the Irreecha holiday in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on October 2, 2016.

Ethiopia is one of the world’s fastest growing economies and a hub for Chinese investment, having rejuvenated its fortunes after a turbulent history marred by civil war and famine.

But, the East African nation’s political story is murkier. Given the surprise resignation of its prime minister and the declaration of a state of emergency last week following protests, CNBC takes a closer look at this major frontier market.

Set up for political failure

Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn resigned on February 15 following mass protests. A six-month long state of emergency was imposed by the government the next day, with the intention of quelling civil unrest.

The state of emergency prohibits, among other things, the distribution of potentially sensitive material and unauthorized demonstrations or meetings.

Hailemariam remains in office until a new prime minister is appointed.

Ethiopia is, in essence, a one party state led by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, a coalition comprising of parties representing different regions of the country.

Tension has been bristling between the powerful Tigray People’s Liberation front, which represents just 6 percent of Ethiopians, and its counterparts representing the Amhara and Oromo ethnic groups. Meanwhile, Hailemariam’s party, the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement, is the weakest in the coalition.

People protest against the Ethiopian government during Irreecha, the annual Oromo festival which celebrates the end of the rainy season, in Bishoftu on October 1, 2017.

Zacharias Abubuker | AFP | Getty Images
People protest against the Ethiopian government during Irreecha, the annual Oromo festival which celebrates the end of the rainy season, in Bishoftu on October 1, 2017.

Hailemariam, who took power after the death of his predecessor Meles Zenawi in 2012, has failed to unite his party. The former leader headed up a centralized government and wielded prestige from the country’s civil war to ensure loyalty.

Anti-government protests have bubbled up, most recently in 2016 when the country’s last state of emergency was imposed.

“It is unlikely (Hailemariam’s) successor will adopt a more reformist stance,” Emma Gordon, senior East Africa politics analyst at consultancy Verisk Maplecroft, told CNBC via email. “Protests and political uncertainty will therefore continue.”

Sky-rocketing economic growth

The potential for new leadership in Ethiopia is little more than a band aid.

“The factors that have driven the protests — namely the ethnic federal system, the influence of the military and intelligence services, and the interplay between the political elites and the business sector — will remain in place,” Gordon said.

Ethiopia, one of the least developed economies in the world, has achieved double-digit growth in recent years. Should its incoming prime minister placate ethnic tensions along party lines — leading to the lifting of the state of emergency within six months — this could continue.

“Assuming (a) more benign political outcome, we expect economic growth to remain healthy, albeit below the 11 percent annual expansion targeted by the government’s Growth and Transformation Plan,” Jane Morley, regional manager for the Middle East and Africa at the Economist Intelligence Unit, told CNBC via email.

Chinese Premier Li Keqiang (R) and Ethiopia's Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn at the Great Hall of the People on May 12, 2017, in Beijing, China.

Thomas Peter | Getty Images
Chinese Premier Li Keqiang (R) and Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn at the Great Hall of the People on May 12, 2017, in Beijing, China.

The plan includes investing $20 billion in the power sector, and boosting the number of tourists visiting the country to 2.5 million annually.

Morley placed the expected gross domestic product (GDP) growth figure at 7-7.5 percent annually over the next five years, thanks to “growing consumer markets, greater integration into global and regional value chains and continued infrastructure investment.”

Belt and Road linchpin

Ethiopia is a key partner of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a massive infrastructure spending push to resurrect ancient trading routes centred on China. This is partly because of its strategic location neighboring the tiny port state Djibouti, at which China has a naval base. A maritime presence in the region enables access to European markets via the Suez Canal.

Ethiopia is also attractive because of its low cost labor, transport links and a vast consumer market — with its population of over 100 million making it Africa’s second largest.

Although foreign direct investment (FDI) to Ethiopia has been hampered by unrest in recent years, this remains on an upwards trajectory. According to the Economist Intelligence Unit, Ethiopia attracted $4.2 billion in the fiscal year of 2016-17.

Morley said: “This is partly because large amounts of FDI is Chinese, going into industrial parks, and concerns about human rights and repression have proved less of a deterrent than might be the case with some Western states.”

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Ethiopia: New State of Emergency Risks Renewed Abuses

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REPORT

from Human Rights Watch

Overbroad, Vague Provisions Undercut Rights

Ethiopia’s newly proclaimed state of emergency risks further closing the space for peaceful political activity, Human Rights Watch said today. The action dashed hopes that the release of key political prisoners days earlier was a first step toward more widespread political reforms. The government should promptly repeal or revise restrictions that violate the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly, association, and expression protected under international human rights law.State of Emergency ethiopia

On February 17, 2018, following Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn’s resignation, Defense Minister Siraj Fegessa announced a countrywide six-month state of emergency. The Directive of the State of Emergency contains overly broad restrictions and vague language that will facilitate government abuses, Human Rights Watch said. During Ethiopia’s previous countrywide state of emergency, from October 2016 until August 2017, security forces arrested more than 20,000 people and committed widespread rights violations.

“Ethiopia’s new state of emergency threatens to block the peaceful expression of views on critical issues facing the country,” said Felix Horne, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Banning public protest and handing the army sweeping new powers to crack down on demonstrators, media and political parties violates rights and crushes the potential for meaningful dialogue on the way forward.”

The directive bans all protests without permission of the Command Post, a body led by the prime minister to manage the state of emergency. A blanket ban on protests is an overly broad restriction on the right to peaceful assembly, including during a state of emergency. If any criminal acts are committed during a protest, the authorities can prosecute them under Ethiopian law.

The directive also broadly forbids disseminating any information deemed critical of the state of emergency. The Command Post is empowered to “close any media to safeguard the constitution,” the government’s news agency said. And regional government media outlets are prohibited from commenting on the state of emergency without Command Post permission. These measures pose a serious threat to Ethiopia’s media and expanding social media community, and place at risk Ethiopians who benefit from the media in the Ethiopian diaspora.

Much of the language in the directive is vague, with many terms undefined, including restrictions on “communicating with anti-peace groups,” or any acts that “disrupt tolerance and unity.” Given the government’s lengthy history of conflating peaceful expressions of dissent with criminal activity, the vague provisions provide Ethiopia’s abusive security forces with seemingly unfettered power to determine state-of-emergency violations.

Other problematic provisions give security forces standing permission to enter schools and universities to “arrest and stop mobs,” to search houses without a warrant, and to ban various forms of peaceful protest including stay-at-home strikes, closing shops, and blocking roads.

Anyone found violating the state of emergency is subject to arrest without warrant by the Command Post to face charges or be compelled to undergo “rehabilitation”- a euphemism for detention without charge often involving abusive treatment and political indoctrination. Torture and other ill-treatment in detention remain serious problems in Ethiopia.

Under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which Ethiopia ratified in 1993, during a state of emergency a government may only derogate, or suspend, certain rights “to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation.” These measures must be of an exceptional and temporary nature. Other rights, such as the right to life and freedom from enforced disappearance, torture and ill-treatment, may never be suspended. Under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, no derogation of charter rights is allowed during a time of emergency.

The United Nations Human Rights Committee, the international expert body that monitors compliance with the ICCPR, has stated that governments need to “provide careful justification not only for their decision to proclaim a state of emergency but also for any specific measures based on such a proclamation.”

Ethiopia’s constitution permits the government to impose a state of emergency following a foreign invasion or due to the “breakdown of law and order which endangers the Constitutional order and which cannot be controlled by the regular law enforcement.” While there were sporadic protests and incidents of unrest in the week prior to the announcement, Human Rights Watch knows of no evidence of a breakdown of law and order that could not be handled through regular law enforcement. A day before the state of emergency was announced, the communications minister denied that a state of emergency would be declared because “there are no grounds for it.”

It was not clear how the state of emergency will impact upcoming countrywide local elections scheduled for May. The new restrictions raise serious concerns as to whether candidates, particularly from opposition parties, will be able to fully and freely campaign, Human Rights Watch said.

The government has not addressed most protester grievances amid a growing power struggle among parties within the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition. Large-scale and mainly peaceful anti-government protests have swept through Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region, since November 2015, and the Amhara region since July 2016 despite extensive government restrictions on peaceful assembly and expression. Additional clashes over the last year, precipitated by attacks from the Somali regional government’s abusive Liyu police inside Oromia region, resulted in hundreds of deaths and over one million people displaced from both the Oromia and Somali regions.

The United States government, historically a close ally of Ethiopia, issued an unusually critical statement to “strongly disagree” with the declaration of a state of emergency. Other allied governments should follow the US lead and strongly urge restoration of basic rights and the opening up of political space, Human Rights Watch said.

Ethiopia’s constitution requires approval of any state of emergency by two-thirds of the House of Peoples’ Representatives within 15 days of its declaration — by March 4. House members should either vote to reject the state of emergency or ensure that all provisions inconsistent with international law are repealed or substantially revised, Human Rights Watch said.

“Restricting basic rights has led Ethiopia into crisis, and further suppression of rights through a new state of emergency only risks making matters worse,” Horne said. “The government’s use of a state of emergency risks plunging Ethiopia into a greater crisis. The parliament can play an important role in pushing for meaningful reforms, starting with rejecting unlawful restrictions under the state of emergency.”

Human Rights Watch:

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In a continent dominated by WhatsApp, Ethiopia prefers Telegram

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Quartz
WRITTEN BY Abdi Latif Dahir

In a recent survey of social media use in Africa, WhatsApp—and its Facebook-owned sister app Messenger—was crowned the king of appsin Africa.

All except for one country: Ethiopia.

The Horn of Africa nation, joined by Iran and Uzbekistan globally, stood out as the only nation where Telegram was more popular than any other app. The ranking was based on data collated from the Google Play store for each country by Dec. 2017.

Telegram has 200 million users worldwide, compared with about 1 billion WhatsApp users. It’s on course to raise about $2 billion, mainly through an initial coin offering.

So why is Telegram popular in Ethiopia? It’s not immediately clear why the messaging service has emerged as the favorite alternative to WhatsApp or Messenger, but a few reasons give clues to its dominance.

Ease of use:

Gaining access to the internet is still very difficult in Ethiopia, with internet penetration at just 15% for its over 105 million population. And even though over 53 million people have mobile connectivity, just 3.8 million of them are active social media users. Part of the problem is that data is expensive and not competitive, given the government’s monopoly over all mobile and internet services through the state-owned Ethio Telecom.

Given that, the economics of downloading and using Telegram (49 megabits) versus WhatsApp (103 MBs) or Messenger (125 MBs) is part of what makes Telegram attractive in Ethiopia, says Moses Karanja, a doctoral candidate at University of Toronto and researcher at the Citizen Lab. In his research, he says, Ethiopians have told him how “frequent updates were too expensive” and that “internet bundles consumption is lighter and hence cheaper” with Telegram.

Secured connection

Ethiopia is highly restrictive of the internet and regularly blocks social media outlets. Recent research has also shown officials using commercial spyware to target dissidents abroad who have been supporting anti-government protests.

In such a sensitive political space, Telegram offers end-to-end encryption as well as a self-destruct timer that can remove messages without a trace. There’s also the option of checking your secret chats using an image that serves as an encryption key. The app’s programming interface also allows developers to create tailor-made interfaces for free instead of the one-size-fits-all functions of apps like WhatsApp. Telegram, which currently supports eight languages, is also expanding the number of languages developers can build into the apps. It also supports external language packs which help localize content and messaging.

WhatsApp-is-the-most-popular-messaging-app-in-Africa_mapbuilder (1)

Tool for political activism

Karanja says the secured connections might not be the main driving factor for Ethiopians. Indeed, the messaging service has been compromised in the past, with hackers identifying the phone numbers of 15 million Iranians many of whom share subversive information on the platform. The company’s commitment to free expression was also questioned after it removed content at the behest of the Iranian government.

Mark Kaigwa, the founder of Nairobi-based tech research company Nendo, says many Ethiopians could nonetheless be attracted to some of the other features that make Telegram unique. Key among these is the ability to create super groups of up to 100,000 members, hence facilitating political activism. In contrast, WhatsApp allows group chatsand broadcast lists of up to 256 people.

Marketing platform

The digital finance services delivery system is still in its infancy in Ethiopia, and the country has a long way to go in building its e-commerce system. But Telegram has allowed retailers and entrepreneurs a cost-effective way to promote products and provide timely and consistent information to customers. Users are also able to pay for goods and services.

Biniam Alemayehu, a resident in the capital Addis Ababa said, he liked Telegram since it was easy to store and share large files, like videos and audiobooks. He also uses it for shopping “since it’s relatively cheaper than the regular markets,” he said. “Telegram is cool.”

 

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Laureat Tsegaye Gabre Medhin 2.24.2018.

MEET THE NEW BOSS SAME AS THE OLD BOSS – The Cult of Personality & The Shifting of Agendas

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By Belay Zeleke

 February 24th2018

I started writing this article around 5am eastern the day Haile Mariam Desalegn handed in his resignation. Around 8am eastern I heard the news and decided to wait and finish the article at some point in the future.

hailemariam-desalegn-satenaw-news

There have been numerous fast moving events that have occurred, from the freeing of a small number of prisoners to some shifting of personnel within the ruling parties in Ethiopia.  This is nothing more than window dressing. I want to lay down some obvious and foundational points. 1) None of these things is what the Ethiopian people have been asking for.  2) There is one and only one thing that the thousands of youth in Ethiopia have been asking for, and that is for EPRDF TO HAND POWER TO THE PEOPLE.  3) TPLF is still in charge.

The TPLF is still in power and they control the country. They will not give up their power easily and will fight to the death. A TPLF official named Getachew Reda has said it clearly when he stated that the TPLF has failed when they allowed the two biggest groups in Ethiopia to form an alliance. He went on to ignorantly postulate points about the two groups, which was based in falsities and not supported by facts. As a matter of fact in my opinion, he should be asked to step down from any position in the government since his statements are clearly prejudiced and inflamattory. The only way that the TPLF (which runs the EPRDF and hence the country) can stay in power is to divide and rule. So they must do all they can to sow discord as quickly as possible before the tsunami of the Ethiopian people drowns them.  I will lay out how they may be able to accomplish this. And why we should prepare for this potential.

1)   TPLF/EPRDF will delay delay delay and try to recover by developing new strategies and tactics. In my mind TPLF/EPRDF includes OPDO, ADNM, SPDM and all other entities within the current regime. Until and when these organizations decide to split from TPLF/EPRDF, they are still part of the problem.

2)   They are likely going to take advantage of certain so-called change agents within EPRDF/TPLF. There appears to be a certain cult of personality around individuals such as Lemma, or Dr. Abiy, or Gedu,etc… I believe this cult is not necessarily in Ethiopia but rather by a few opposition media and activists abroad, because we saw the tremendous amounts of people that came out to greet Dr. Merara, Obo Bekele, Eskinder, Colonel Demeke and others. By focusing on the personalities and not on the structural and transformational questions TPLF are setting the stage for conflict between the two main groups of people the they see as a huge threat. It’s a classic bait and switch tactic.

3)   The discussions in some (not all) media has slightly now shifted away from changing the regime and forming a transitional structure to who should be the next prime minister.  If these discussions start taking over the primary agenda then the TPLF setting the stage for conflict.

4) Elevating these people and then choosing one over the other will ultimately allow the TPLF to do as they please.  Let’s say for example TPLF now chooses Demeke  Mekonnen from ANDM to be the prime minister. This will be perceived as a slight against OPDO and potentially instigate conflict which the TPLF will gladly fan the flames. This will allow the TPLF to stay in the shadows use their agazi, secret police and military forces and continue killing Ethiopians.

Nothing has changed therefore the the struggle must continue.  The media and activists outside of the country should continue laser focusing on transformational/regime change. The media should not allow the discussions to be about which person is in power. I know that certain opposition media have a responsibility to discuss these minor issues, however in my opinion although they can acknowledge these minor events they should continue to talk more about what Ethiopians have been asking for 27 years.

Before the TPLF implements this potential scenario I urge and plead all opposition media activists to continue to strongly ask for regime change. Make it known that the TPLF may try to pull a fast one on us and prepare the public. Make it clear that Ethiopians are asking for regime change and free and fair democratic processes now. Everyone should push for structural and transformational change now before it is too late, too much blood has been shed and too many of our youth have been killed, imprisoned and tortured to let this opportunity pass us by.

Belay Zeleke

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Ethiopia federal forces detain recently released Oromo leaders

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Afric News

Reports from Ethiopia indicate that leading opposition chiefs, Merera Gudina and Bekele Gerba are among a group detained by federal security forces in the country’s west.

The recently released duo who are leaders of the main opposition Oromo Federalists Congress (OFC) were held near the town of Nekemt, OFC’s youth league secretary, Addisu Bulala told the Addis Standard portal.

“After addressing our supporters in other small cities on our way to Nekemt, when we reached Gute, few kilometers outside of Nekemt, we were stopped by federal security forces.

“We have been held for the last four hours and no one is explaining to us what would happen next,” he said in a phone interview.

Ethiopia’s Oromia region erupts as political prisoners return.

He further disclosed that the detained party includes other recently released prisonsers like Gurmesa Ayano, the youth league chair and Dejene Taffa, deputy secretary general who were released along with Bekele Gerba on February 13, 2018.

The country is currently under a state of emergency which the government imposed to curb spreading violence and insecurity. The measure among other things prohibits hampering activities of law enforcement bodies, and staging unauthorized demonstrations and meetings.

The country currently has a Prime Minister on his way out after tendering his resignation weeks back. Hailemariam Desalegn is occupying the post till the ruling coalition elects his successor latest by next week.

According to him, his resignation was to bolster political reform efforts announced in January 2018 which situation led to mass prisoner release at the federal and regional state levels.

All parties need a stake in Ethiopia’s future, says opposition leader

Ethiopia’s ruling coalition has lost its authority and all parties should be involved in mapping the country’s future, an opposition leader said …

africanews.com

 

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A white wedding during Ethiopia’s Red Terror

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BBC

Love can often flourish in the most hopeless of situations.

And so it was for Aynalem and Genet who married each other in 1978 during the height of Ethiopia’s brutal Red Terror.

The bloodshed began a year earlier, when Marxist leader Mengistu Haile Mariam took control of Ethiopia and launched a lethal campaign against his enemies.

Thousands of people died during his crackdown, with hundreds of thousands more forcibly resettled.

But this didn’t stop Aynalem and Genet from exchanging their wedding vows in Sendafa, a small city just outside the capital, Addis Ababa.

Photos from this day have been compiled by the digital archive, Vintage Addis Ababa, to show how people carry on with life in exceptional circumstances.

A long courtship

The couple met in 1973 when they lived in the same neighbourhood.

A year later, the country’s imperial government was overthrown by the Derg communist regime, paving the way for Mengistu’s rule.

Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam, Chairman of the Ethiopian Provisional Military Council, talking during a press conference, February 22nd 1978.Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image captionIn 2008, Ethiopia sentenced Mengistu Haile Mariam to death in absentia – he currently lives in Zimbabwe

The chaos that followed upended their lives in ways they could not have imagined.

Aynalem had hoped to marry Genet early, as soon as she finished high school.

But in 1978 she was arrested for taking part in an opposition protest and jailed for three months.

“Living under the Derg regime was not easy,” Genet says. “The fear in the atmosphere hindered our joy from being complete.”

Although the regime banned family from visiting their loved ones in prison, Aynalem used to check on Genet every few days.

He was a Revolutionary Guard, which meant she would have been in danger if other opposition activists knew about their relationship.

“We couldn’t greet or speak [to each other, or] the guards [would] notice we knew each other. But I still got very excited every time I saw him drive into the compound,” she says.

Despite Genet’s time in prison, the couple’s wedding photos show no trace of the difficulties they encountered.

Kissing the knee

The morning of their wedding began with an Ethiopian tradition.

Aynalem kissed his mother’s knee before leaving to pick up Genet, and move into his own home.

Aynalem kisses his mother’s knee before he leaves to pick up his brideImage copyrightVINTAGE ADDIS ABABA

Outside his house, friends and neighbours had gathered to send him on his way.

Neighbours cheer Aynalem onImage copyrightVINTAGE ADDIS ABABA
Aynalem heads off to pick up GenetImage copyrightVINTAGE ADDIS ABABA

Striking in his dark suit and white polo-neck, Aynalem led his groomsmen to the Chevrolet he and Genet had rented for their wedding.

Genet next to the Chevrolet they rented for the dayImage copyrightVINTAGE ADDIS ABABA

In the early afternoon, the couple exchanged their vows before a priest and guests at the house of Genet’s father.

They bought their rings at Africa Jewellery in Piazza, Adidas Ababa – which remains open today.

The couple also found time to have a wedding photo-shoot away from the 300 guests who attended their marriage.

Genet and Aynalem during their wedding photo shootImage copyrightVINTAGE ADDIS ABABA

Sadly for Genet, Aynalem passed away in 2008, though she cherishes the years they had together.

“I was married to the man I loved, and raised children who are dear to my heart,” she says.

 

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Ethiopian academic inspires U.S. lawmaker to fight for visa lottery

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Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban

A United States lawmaker, Rep. Keith Ellison, has disclosed part of his motivation for strongly advocating that his country maintains the Diversity Visa (DV) lottery program.

He cited the instance of an Ethiopian academic who made it to the U.S. via the DV program and had excelled.

“Husen Beriso, born in Ethiopia, came to US on Diversity Visa Program; he’s urging me to fight for the program. Has 2 Masters Degrees, teaches and is a PhD candidate,” he said in a Twitter post accompanied by a photo of himself and Besriso.

Ellison, a member of Congress from Minenesota’s Fifth District is on record to have branded President Trump a racist over his decision to cancel the lottery program supposedly over security concerns.

Africa’s most affected by Trump’s anti- DV Lottery move
Egypt, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Ethiopia have been noted as the three top African countries who will be affected by Trump’s move to cancel the visa lottery regime.

As at November 2017, figures from the Department of State indicates that the three countries had over 2,000 beneficiaries enter the U.S. through the annual lottery program for the year 2016.

The document titled, “Immigrant Number Use for Visa Issuances and Adjustments of Status in the Diversity Immigrant Category,” gave an analysis of DV beneficiaries spanning the years 2007 – 2016.

For 2016, Egypt’s figure of 2,855 was tops followed by DRC’s 2,778 and Ethiopia’s 2,143. Other African countries that managed to stay in the 1000+ bracket were; Sudan, Liberia, Cameroon, Morocco, Algeria and Kenya.

African beneficiaries topped the continental breakdown with 20,706, Europe followed with 15,207. Asia, South America, Oceania and North America followed with 8,898; 1,370; 532 and 5 respectively.

READ MORE: Ethiopia, Egypt, DRC worst hit in Africa by Trump visa lottery push back
View image on Twitter
View image on Twitter

Rep. Keith Ellison
✔
@keithellison
Husen Beriso, born in Ethiopia, came to US on Diversity Visa Program; he’s urging me to fight for the program. Has 2 Masters Degrees, teaches and is a PhD candidate.

5:51 PM – Feb 20, 2018
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160 people are talking about this

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Ethiopia risks ‘unprecedented’ protests with ‘rearrest’ of OFC leaders

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Ethiopia will most likely slide back into a state of unprecedented protests with the re-arrest of top Oromo opposition leaders, a freelance journalist, Mohammed Ademo has cautioned.

Ademo who is editor of the Opride portal was reacting to news late Saturday that federal forces had detained top opposition leaders belonging to the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC). Among the detained leaders are Merera Gudina and Bekele Gerba.

“The re-arrest of Oromo opposition leaders would almost surely guarantee an unprecedented wave of protests and a bloody crackdown. A similar episode during the last state of emergency led to the detention of more than 20,000 people in a matter of few days,” he said in a tweet.

He described the standoff that led to their detention in western Ethiopia as worrying and a sign of renewed crackdown in Ethiopia.

He further reported that federal forces had shot and killed about six civilians in the town of Dambi Dolo in Western Oromia.

For his part, top U.S.-based Oromo activist, Jawar Mohammed said it was in the interest of government to release the detained leaders or risk a nationwide action.

Ethiopia federal forces detain recently released Oromo leaders | Africanews https://fb.me/85TVZAd3i 

Ethiopia federal forces detain recently released Oromo leaders

Reports from Ethiopia indicate that leading opposition chiefs, Merera Gudina and Bekele Gerba are among a group detained by federal security …

africanews.com

Ethiopia is currently under a state of emergency administered by a Command Post. The government said it imposed the measure to curb rising insecurity. Diplomatic missions have cautioned against abusing powers of security officials in enforcing the measure.

Secretariat of the Command Post and Minister of Defense, Siraj Fegessa, announced details of prohibited actions and measures to be taken against anyone if found violating the directives.

Nevertheless, the state is determined to implement the state of emergency, which is yet to be endorsed by the national parliament that is currently in recess.

Other than banning protests and publications inciting violence, the state of emergency seeks to outlaw the following:

  • The State of Emergency forbids any action in breach of the constitution and constitutional order, or activities that erode tolerance and unity of the people as well as having link with and providing support for terrorist organizations.
  • It also prohibits obstructing transport services, carrying out attacks on infrastructure and development institutions, hampering activities of law enforcement bodies, and staging unauthorized demonstrations and meetings.
  • It also forbids hindering teaching learning process at schools, strike at sport fields, violence inciting actions, hindering distributions of basic goods as well as obstructing cultural, public and religious festivals. It also forbids promoting political agendas.

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Open Letter to VOA Amharic & Voice of America (VOA)

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Dear Negussie Mengesha (director of VOA’s Africa Division)

Dear Amanda Bennett (VOA director)

Dear Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG)

First, I write you this letter to express my concern and complain about VOA Amharic program focus, target audience and structure. As you may know, in 1976, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) that is currently ruling Ethiopia crafted its Greater Tigray Manifesto. TPLF claimed in its political program as a struggle against “Amhara/Amara and imperialism” and labelled the Amharas/Amaras as staunch enemies of the Tigray people. The manifesto called for transforming the northern Ethiopian region of Tigray in to an independent country through expansionist policies. For Greater Tigray to become a reality, TPLF carried out systematic ethnic cleansing against us and displaced millions of Amhara people from their ancestor land of Welkait, Tsegede, Tselemt, Setit,Tach Armachiho, Raya, Qobo and Metekel to hand over our land to Tigray ethnic members. Millions of Amhara/Amaras youths have been subjected to ethnic cleansing in different parts of Ethiopia for the last 27 years. We the Amharas best known for keeping and promoting Ethiopian unity and Ethiopian nationalism but now we are organizing our selves under Amhara nationalism umbrella in order to defend ourselves from ethnic cleansing and genocide.

The current Ethiopian politics is ethnic politics.Your Africa division Tigrigna and Oromo language programs properly serviced their main audience Tigreans and Oromos, respectively. But the Amharic program is all over the places and it doesn’t serve the main Amharic speakers of the country. I haven’t seen any Amhara guests or issues in your Tigrigna or Oromiffa program. However, in your Amharic program, you bring a lot of Tigray, Oromo and other Ethiopian nationalists; but not that much Amhara nationalist! Why? It is not fair. The main misconception in your Amharic program is that you considered Amharic as official language of Ethiopia. Your institution make this vague and wrong statements: ”VOA Amharic provides news and information to Ethiopia. Amharic is the official language of Ethiopia, which has an estimated population of 85 million. According to recent surveys, VOA Amharic attracts about one-fifth of the adult population. This is one of the largest audiences proportionally of any service at VOA.”

However, your institution statement is wrong and problematic. Amharic is not the official language of Ethiopia rather it is the working language of the federal institutions in Addis Ababa. Amharic is not the language of the whole Ethiopians rather it is the language of Amhara people as Tigrigna and Oromiffa are the language of Tigreans and Oromos, respectively. So who should be your main target audience for the Amharic program? From your statement, I understand that you assumed 85 million people (currently more than 100 million) as your target audience for the Amharic program. I think the primary audience for the Amharic program should be the Amhara people who are the primary amharic speakers as the Oromos and Tigreans are the primary audiance for VOA Affan Oromo and VOA Tigregna, respectively. Other Ethiopians may speak Amharic as their second language but they should be considered as your secondary or general audiences for the Amharic program. Most of these people who speak Amharic as their second language have other VOA program options such as VOA Tigrigna and VOA Afaan Oromo. We the Amharas are the second largest ethnic groups ,if not the first, in Ethiopia and we are the primary target of attack for the regime but your Amharic program lacks the focus on Amhara people issues. We don’t have other media options and our people are heavily dependent on diaspora based medias for information since the TPLF lead regime totally shutdown free media inside the country. We appreciate your intention to provide alternative media for the oppressed nations all over the world but your Amharic program totally missed its primary audience and it does little benefits to the Amhara people Sometimes you bring guests from Pan Ethiopian elites but these elites doesn’t represent the current Amhara generations. We the young Amharas have different priority and perspective towards the current problem of our Amhara people. Otherwise, you should primarily focused on the Amhara people issue in your Amharic program. You need to add more programs on Amara people issues in your Amharic services. Your guest panelists should include more Amhara nationalists as you bring Ethiopian, Oromo and Tigrean nationalists on the Amharic program. So I would like you to review and evaluate the Amharic program primary target audience, focus and structure, in light of the current ethnic politics landscape.

My second concern and complaint is about some of the Amharic program journalists. Is there any Amhara journalist in VOA Tigrigna or VOA Afaan Oromo programs? absolutely not at all. Why Adanech Fessehaye, ethnic Tigray journalist, working in the Amharic services? Ethiopian politics is now ethnic politics and why she is there? and also why Henok SemaEgzer who is the Tplf propagandist working in the Amharic service? These two journalists are biased against Amhara. You may said that they are professionals; not at all. For instance, during last week VOA Amharic program about Qeerroo, Henok SemaEgzer clearly said that there is no apartheid style regime in Ethiopia. He clearly stated his political views in defence of the regime and it violates VOA journalistic ethics of fairness and unbiasedness. His statements should be investigated and he should be suspended immediately. Even some of the journalists are not fluent (native) Amharic speaker especially Adanech Fessehaye. As far as I know, VOA is promoting American foreign policy and I believe that the American government doesn’t have a policy to undermine Amhara people struggle.

Therefore, your Amharic program needs major reform to adjust with the new phenomena called Amhara nationalism and you need to immediately remove these TPLF surrogate propagandists such as Henok Semaegzer and Adanech Fessehaye from the Amharic program.

 
Best Wishes,
Haileeysus Adamu Akalu (BSc, MPH, MSc)

Amhara Human Right Activist, Researcher and Public Health Specialist 

Telephone: +46(0)720453394

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Berhane Dibaba Wins Second Tokyo Marathon

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Dibaba winning the 2018 Tokyo Marathon (AFP)

Tokyo, Japan – Ethiopia’s Berhane Dibaba and Dickson Chumba of Kenya captured convincing victories at the Tokyo Marathon, an IAAF Gold Label road race, here today.

Dickson, who won here in 2015, clocked 2:05:30 to take his second Tokyo title while Dibaba joined the sub-2:20 club with her 2:19:51 run to also capture her second Tokyo crown. Both runners became the first man and woman to ever win a second Tokyo Marathon title.

Chumba’s winning time was the second fastest in race history, behind the course record of 2:03:58 set by Wilson Kipsang last year.

Dibaba Dominates

In the women’s race, Dibaba’s winning time of 2:19:51 was also the second fastest time in race history, behind the 2:19:47 course record Sara Chepchirchir set last year. Dibaba also became the 26th runner to crack 2:20 for the distance.

By 20 kilometres, the lead pack was reduced to four runners –Dibaba, her compatriots Ruti Aga and Shure Demise, and Amy Cragg of the US. Demise began to drift back, leaving a trio in contention 10 kilometres later.

Cragg was the next to drop back after Dibaba’s 16:26 split between kilometres 30 and 35. The next five kilometres were even faster at 16:22, dropping Ruti.

“The weather was great and my leg also felt great,” said Dibaba, whose previous best was 2:21:19 set in Tokyo last year. “At 35km I thought I could win this race.”

Aga held on for second in 2:21:19 with Cragg crossing the line third in 2:21:42, slicing more than five minutes from her previous personal best. Aga’s time equalled the third fastest performance in race history while Cragg’s was the sixth fastest.

Leading results:
Weather at the start: Cloudy, temperature: 6C, Humidity: 40%.
1. Dickson Chumba, KEN, 2:05:30 (14:47, 29:38, 44:36, 59:27, 62:44, 1:14:24, 1:29:20, 1:44:11, 1:58:55)
2. Yuta Shitara, JPN, 2:06:11 NR
3. Amos Kipruto, KEN, 2:06:33
4. Gideon Kipketer, KEN, 2:06:47
5. Hiroto Inoue, JPN, 2:06:54
6. Feyisa Lilesa , ETH, 2:07:30
7. Ryo Kineme, JPN, 2:08:08
8. Chihiro Miyawaki, JPN, 2:08:45
9. Kenji Yamamoto, JPN, 2:08:48
10. Yuki Sato, JPN, 2:08:58
1. Berhane Dibaba (ETH) 2:19:51 (16:38, 33:16, 49:59, 66:37, 70:19, 1:23:17, 1:39:52, 1:56:18, 2:12:40)
2. Ruti Aga, ETH, 2:21:19
3. Amy Cragg, USA, 2:21:42
4. Shure Demise, ETH, 2:22:07
5. Helah Kiprop, KEN, 2:28:58
6. Hiroko Yoshitomi, JPN, 2:30:16
7. Madoka Nakano, JPN, 2:31:41
8. Marie Imada, JPN, 2:32:00

Source: IAAF.org

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Yohannes Tilahun, CEO of the Ethiopian Tourism Organization in Hot Water for “Unlawful Double Salary”, Maladministration

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After nine months in office, Yohannes Tilahun, CEO of the Ethiopian Tourism Organization (ETO), is in hot water for his alleged receipts of “double salaries” both from the government and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), The Reporter has learnt.

Yohannes Tilahun, CEO of ETO

In a boldly written letter, which was obtained by The Reporter, Tewolde Gebremariam, CEO of Ethiopian and board chairman of ETO, demanded the Ministry of Culture and Tourism on Friday to depose Yohannes and consider legal actions for his misconducts. According to letter, Yohannes has been found receiving illicit monthly income of USD 8,000 from UNDP.

The board chair, further in his letter, requested for instant measure to cut the payment Yohannes has been receiving for nine months. He further demanded the ministry to pursue legal actions against the CEO’s delinquencies. UNDP provides financial support for ETO under the auspicious of capacity building.

“The evidence the board has attained during its regular meeting held on February 8, 2018, found to be extremely shocking and presented settings for the need to consider legal measures,” Tewolde wrote. Learning the irregularities, the board has formed an inquiry committee to further dig into the matter. The inquiry committee provided details of findings documented against Yohannes.

He has been accused of violating the procurement procedures and issued purchases of cloud-based Office 365, GPS mountable on vehicles and the like. His name was also attached to facilitating bank payments for two private spa and restaurant businesses.

Fifteen days later, the board beckoned an emergency meeting on Thursday; it has decided that Yohannes should be held accountable for his misbehavior and maladministration. The Reporter has contacted Yohannes to learn whether he has been removed from his office. He said he is still running the office and has no clue about the board’s position. Hirut Woldemariam (PhD), minister of Culture and Tourism also told The Reporter that she knows nothing of his removal orders. Sources said that the fate of Yohannes is yet to be made official.

The board, however, criticized the Ministry for ordering payments to be made from UNDP’s project finance and for not following the formal communication channels that the board has. In many instances and exchanges of letters between ETO and the ministry, it has been made “secret” from the ETO board.

Yohannes was appointed by outgoing Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn, who also chairs the Ethiopian Tourism Transformation Council, to which ETO is a member. Along with Yohannes, Mihret Yechale (PhD) was assigned by the PM to head the organization as deputy CEO. Mihret was an assistant professor at the University of Gondar since April 2017.

It is to be recalled that The Reporter has reported about the appointees. Both have assumed office effectively as of April 20, 2017.

Source: The Reporter

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Ato Andargachew Tsige Life in the Prison – Abebe Kesito on VOA Amharic


An “Independent Commissione” for Ethiopia?: A Rejoinder to Tsadkan Gebretensae

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Al Mariam’s Commentaries

I don’t know whether to laugh or cry. It hurts too much to cry and it is too funny not to laugh.  The T-TPLF will do anything to cling to power. For one more nanosecond. One more second. One more minute. One more hour. One more day. One more month. One more year. One more decade…

The T-TPLF bosses today are so confused and at their wit’s end, they are floating a trial balloon for a totally ridiculous, harebrained and wacky scam/scheme for an “independent commission” to cling to power.

Check this out.

The Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (T-TPLF) wants an “independent commission” wholly owned, operated and managed by one of their own to transition Ethiopia to democratic rule.

That is like the fox guarding the henhouse proposing a plan to lead the hens out to the safety of its own den.

It is like the wolf in sheep skin leading the lambs into its lair to protect and save them from the other big bad wolves.

It is like a cackle of hyenas setting up an emergency meeting with antelopes about what/who to have for dinner.

Just imagine if one of the big bosses of the La Commissione [the governing body of the American Mafia] of the Mafia crime families proposed to establish an independent La Commissione to rid the United States of organized crime.

Imagine if that boss pledges to set up a parallel independent La Commissione under a figurehead capo di tutti capi (boss of all bosses).

Imagine further that boss swears to exclude all the big bosses and members of the Gambino, Genovese, Colombo, Lucchese and Bonanno crime families.

Would you laugh out loud or rise up and cry out in indignation at the outrageous insult to your intelligence?

That is exactly what Tsadkan Gebretensae, a former general of the (T-TPLF), proposed last week.

In an audaciously brazen move, Tsadkan proposed the mother of all T-TPLF scams in the form of an “independent commission” to ensure the survival of TPLF, Inc., guarantee and preserve the T-TPLF’s ethnic apartheid system and forever solidify the political and economic domination of his political group in Ethiopia.

According to The Reporter, (apparently the only “private newspaper published in Addis Ababa” or Ethiopia), Tsadkan warned “the current situation in the country is beyond the control and management capabilities of the current system”, and advised “only an independent commission, which is free from the dominance of the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) can save the country from any unforeseen fate that awaits it.”

Tsadkan’s “independent commission will prepare a level political playing field for the upcoming elections, if Ethiopia is to shrug off its current challenges and become a stable country.” It will “operate under the Office of the President of the Federation and no member of the commission should be drawn from the EPRDF to maintain neutrality.”

According to the Tsadkan scam/scheme, the

commission will be in place for two years until the next national elections, in which all national political parties will run for representation in offices at the federal and regional levels. For the two years – during which the independent council is tasked with leveling the political landscape – the government will have the role of running public offices and the party will be treated as any other political party and prepare itself to run for the election that follows.

Fake independent commission

Did Tsadkan come up with the “independent commission” idea by himself, or did his desperado T-TPLF buddies egg him on to run around with it as a trial balloon?

Frankly, the “independent commission” idea does not even pass the smell test. Actually, it stinks.

I get the feeling the T-TPLF bosses are trying to set up a parallel mirror image quasi-state to provide them life support for 2 years. It will buy them 2 years to consolidate power and come back meaner than than a junk yard dog.

That means there will be four  “states” coexisting in Ethiopia at the same time:

1) There is the symbolic T-TPLF state which is/was (?) headed by Hailemariam. That is the “state” in which, as Hailemariam said, important public decisions are made up like fairy tales, as told to him by his T-TPLF bosses.

2) There is the real T-TPLF “state” — the state within in the state, the shadow state, the deep state — which has been running the Ethiopian police state for the past 27 years.

3) There is the  command post state of  state of emergency, (every where in the world called the junta [military] state) running things by martial law.

4) If Tsadkan’s proposal comes to pass, there will be the “independent commission state”, which will be the “new front state” for the T-TPLF deep state. From the shadows, the T-TPLF bosses will run the “independent commission” like the Wizard of Oz.

Truly fascinating!

Why is Tsadkan chosen as the messenger of the T-TPLF messiahs to save Ethiopia from the Armageddon of civil war they have predicted for so long using an “independent commission”?

The T-TPLF devised their ethnic federalism, kililistan divide-and-rule system as their trump card, their ultimate insurance policy to cling to power perpetually by scaring the people with a civil war and national dissolution if they are no longer in power.

(BTW: In the warped T-TPLF logic, resistance to their oppressive rule is a precursor to civil war. If the T-TPLF disappears from the political landscape in Ethiopia there will be civil peace, not civil war!)

Tsadkan pretends to be a nationalist, a critic of the T-TPLF, an independent strategic thinker and a man of peace and reconciliation, among many other things.

On his Twitter account, Tsadkan claims to express his “opinion as an ordinaryconcerned Ethiopian citizen”. He pontificates on all sorts of things. He warns the “EPDRF rule of law and accountability must be enforced. ACT NOW!” He proclaims and pleads, “The solution to the current crisis is, compromise not crackdown; dialogue not death. May cooler heads prevail.” In one twitter message he urged, “I hope both Lema and Abdi will step down 4 the sake of country, so that we can start healing & reconciliation process.”

For some time, Tsadakan has been trying to establish street creds as a unifying independent national figure and elder statesman who can provide guidance to the masses while remaining above the fray.

In his megalomaniacal imagination, he sees himself as the white knight in shining armor saving the Ethiopian damsel in distress. But he is not interested in saving the damsel from T-TPLF state of oppress and repress. They want the damsel to do as they please with her.

Tsadkan also presents himself as the ultimate fixer, the inside T-TPLF guy who knows everyone and where the skeletons are hidden, and can arm-twist the other T-TPLF guys to become more reasonable and make a deal.

He wants to play the role of the good cop who will help the Ethiopian people against the bad cops of the T-TPLF who are cracking their heads.

What Tsadkan does not acknowledge or conveniently ignores is the plain fact that he has as much credibility as a dyed-in-the-wool TPLF-lifer playing the role of neutral broker and mediator as a used car salesman hawking a 1971 Ford Pinto.

Try as he may, Tsadkan is not a man of peace, reconciliation or negotiation or defender of democracy, rule of law or human rights in Ethiopia.

Tsadkan reminds me of a Scriptural verse. “His talk is smooth as butter, yet war is in his heart; his words are more soothing than oil, yet they are drawn swords.”

But the audacious and cunning T-TPLF bosses have decided to make Tsadkan their messenger evangelizing an “independent commission” as Ethiopia’s last salvation from Armageddon.

In his mission to rig up an “independent commission”, Tsadakan says he is only concerned about the welfare and safety of the country. Just like the fox guarding the hen house.

Well, the T-TPLF’s trial balloon for an “independent commission” just went down like a lead balloon!

If the T-TPLF and Tsadkan believe they are so slick and clever to outwit 100 million Ethiopians with their harebrained scam, they are really not as smart as they think they are.

But what is the record of this self-proclaimed man of peace and reconciliation promising to bring out civil peace from an imminent civil war Ethiopia ?

At least since July 2016, Tsadkan has been crying wolf about a civil war in Ethiopia to justify saving his precious TPLF from political extinction.

Tsadkan has been fear mongering raising the specter of civil war, state collapse and interethnic Armageddon.

In an extensive analysis (in Amharic) of T-TPLF rule and policy recommendations, Tsadkan delivered his message of epiphany to the Ethiopian people to save themselves from the coming civil war.

He outlined three “scenarios” that could happen in Ethiopia.

In his first scenario, he imagined things “getting out of the control of the government as a result of the questions and issues raised by the people and foreign intervention. This could result in the total collapse of the government.”  He noted “if the unrest in Oromia had not been suppressed by federal security forces, it could have spread throughout the country and put the government in extreme danger.”

In the second “scenario”, Tsadkan said it is “more likely that the country will remain in chaos for a very long time. It is possible there will come a time when the government will try to buy time to deal with all of the problems it neglected — lack of good governance, corruption, poor technical implementation – and try to get out of a sticky situation.”

In the third “scenario”, he argued there could be peaceful and orderly change and save the country from political chaos by following the constitution with wide public participation and engaging all those who claim to have a role in the shaping the destiny of the country.

Apparently, his idea of an “independent commission” is his preferred mechanism for implementation of Scenario 3.

Tsadkan wants to use the T-TPLF constitution to constitute the “independent commission” under the auspices and oversight of the ceremonial T-TPLF president who will presumably ensure the impartiality, neutrality and fairness of “independent commission” in its transitional work.

Tsadkan may believe we were all born yesterday and that he can bamboozle and hoodwink us with his cockamamie independent commission, but he should know we were not born last night.

Tsadkan’s “independent commission” will in 2 years produce constitutional change and institute orderly transition for free and fair elections in Ethiopia.

But is the glorious constitution Tsadkan talks about so cherishingly worth the paper it is written on?

Let us look at the T-TPLF constitution and how it has been used over the past 27 years by asking a simple questions: “When has the T-TPLF ever followed or honored its own constitution?”

When it jailed all opposition leaders and civil society, human rights advocates and journalists following the 2005 election?

When it “won” the 2010 election by capturing 99.6 percent of the seats in “parliament”?

When it “won” the 2015 election by capturing 100 percent of the seats?

When it jailed tens of thousands of innocent people under its cut-and-paste anti-terrorism law?

When it decimated the independent press?

When it practiced torture and abuse in its prisons?

When it subverted the courts to conduct legal lynching and persecutions?

When it created an Empire of Corruption in Ethiopia?

When it ran its death squads to massacre innocent people at the Irrecha festival?

When it ran its death squads to massacre in Bahir Dar, Gonder, Woldia and Konso?

When it treated the regional governments as step-and-fetch it minions?

Now, Tsadkan wants an independent commission constituted under the constitution?

Ha, ha, ha…! Hee, hee, hee…!

The T-TPLF bosses have never played by their own rules, laws and constitution for 27 years, why would they begin now with an “independent commission”?

Assuming the T-TPLF bosses have read and understood their own constitution, they have no regard or respect for it.

They trot out their constitution whenever they want to prosecute and persecute opposition leaders, journalists or dissidents.

At all other times, it is just a piece of paper with a bunch of gobbledygook.

The fact of the matter is the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front is a racketeering organization on par with the Mafia. They both have the same constitution called “OMERTA”, code of silence.

The only difference is that the TPLF has captured the state and operates as a “government”. But like the Mafia , the real power in the T-TPLF is exercised by shadowy characters out of public view and in the dark.

Susan Rice, Obama’s national security advisor, said the late Meles Zenawi told her can’t stand “fools and idiots”. All these years, I thought he was talking about the opposition.

Of course, all of the talk about constitutional transition and peace is cover for Tsadkan’s desperate effort to extricate his beloved TPLF out of deep political doo-doo.

But let us look at Tsadkan’s personal record.

The self-proclaimed man of peace, reconciliation and negotiation, in July 2016 openly advocated waging war against Eritrea for the purpose of regime change. He argued Eritrea and neighboring countries pose a national security threat to Ethiopia, and military force must be used to end that threat by forcibly removing the Eritrean ruler. In other words, use war to change the regime in Eritrea.

Wouldn’t a true man of peace urge diplomacy and negotiations as a first resort and urge war only as a very last resort?

Wouldn’t a true man of peace seek ways of peace and reconciliation with the enemy and define common grounds before challenging him on the battleground?

Of course, the single most dangerous threat to Ethiopia over the past 27 years has been the T-TPLF, not any geopolitical threat from regional powers.

But why would Tsadkan (whose name means “holy one”) choose war instead of peace with Eritrea? Wy woudl he choose peace in Ethiopia today after 27 years of war on the Ethiopian people?

Simple. He wants to prolong the shelf life of his beloved T-TPLF. Tsadkan and his T-TPLF believe they could trot out the Eritrean boogeyman to scare Ethiopians into supporting a war against Eritrea.

At the Nuremberg trials in 1946, Herman Goering, Hitler’s designated successor, told an interviewer:

Of course the people don’t want war. But after all, it’s the leaders of the country who determine the policy, and it’s always a simple matter to drag the people along…The people can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. That is easy. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked, and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism, and exposing the country to greater danger.

In a war with Eritrea, the T-TPLF bosses could whip up patriotism, national pride and sentiments of unity and all the rest to make themselves look like  heroes and create a distraction from its current existential crises while sacrificing thousands of young Ethiopians as cannon fodder. In the process, the T-TPLF hopes to consolidate its repressive rule and continue to lord over the Ethiopian people forever.

In the 1998-2000 war with Eritrea, a war that was won with the lives of tens of thousands of young Ethiopians, Meles Zenawi and the T-TPLF surrendered the victory on the ground in a so-called “biding international arbitration”.

The fact of the matter is that Tsadkan sheds crocodile tears about Ethiopia’s geopolitical decline because he sees his T-TPLF in imminent collapse.

Was it not Tsadkan’s comrade-in-arms, Meles Zenawi, who handed  over the port of Assab against advice by former U.S. President Jimmy Carter and former U.S. Asst. Secretary of State Herman Cohen and landlocked Ethiopia?

And who handed Badme over to Eritrea in a so-called “international arbitration”?

Now, Tsadkan argues for a war of regime change in Eritrea in defense of Ethiopia’s geopolitical interests. Rubbish!

Tsadkan cares as much about Ethiopia’s national interest as the T-TPLF cares about the Ethiopian people.

It is all a T-TPLF ruse. They want a war with Eritrea to distract the Ethiopian public and cling to power.

But there is a great irony in Tsadkan’s call to war.

It is an outrage that the “general” who acknowledged his own incompetence during the Ethiopian-Eritrean War of 1998-2000, resulting in the deaths of tens of thousands of young Ethiopians should now cry, “Havoc!” and call for the unleashing of the dogs of war.

According to one account,

After the 1-week battle plan failed miserably and concluded with great military losses the general who was in charge of the war, Tsadkan Gebretensae, called a meeting at Infara, the place that was serving as the Command and Control Center. General Tsadkan tried to call the meeting to order but he could not hide his emotions and broke down crying. He wept. All of the meeting participants cried with him. Infara was like a funeral home. Once he gained his composure, he tried to comfort the meeting participants. Everyone was crying. General Tsadkan said the following to the meeting participants, “I have led many battles in my career. I have fought in many wars. I have seen a lot. I have never experienced this kind of utter failure. It is bad.”

Tsadkan’s “utter failure” meant tens of thousands young Ethiopians were made cannon fodder. Tsadkan should be crying for all of those young people he sacrificed in the battlefield.

No war, Tsadkan! You are not going to make cannon fodder out of Ethiopia’s youth again to prolong the life of your precious TPLF.

Again, the fact of the matter is that the T-TPLF has offered peace and reconciliation to the people of Tigray and war and pacification to the rest of Ethiopians as I have demonstrated in my Rejoinder to Seyoum Mesfin, Tsadakan’s comrade-in-arms.

I have one simple question for Tsadkan.

Will he be as determined and resolute in seeking regime change in Ethiopia as he is determined and resolute in seeking regime change in Eritrea?

What is good sauce for the goose should be good for the gander.

If regime change is good enough for Eritrea, regime change should be just as good for Ethiopia.

I say to Tsadkan, charity begins at home. Before he starts lecturing, pontificating and exerting moral authority on others, he should first clean his own own house.

In other words, let’s have regime change in Ethiopia before seeking regime change in Eritrea!

That is how Tsadkan can become the living example of the change he wants to see in Eritrea.

Scam Games Over!

In the past two weeks, the T-TPLF has tried to pull two big scams.

They said their puppet prime minister Hailemariam Dessalegn resigned and everyone should think that is a big deal.

Nobody gives a hoot whether Hailemariam stayed or left. He was just a T-TPLF’s front man. After Meles passed away, he was supposed to be the human face on the T-TPLF Beast. But they played him like a fiddle at a country hoedown. Better yet like a masinko at an Ethiopian tej bet [beer hall]. Hailemariam sang their song and did their watusi.

In July 2017 Hailemariam publicly admitted that he makes decisions based on what his TPLF bosses tell him and without adequate data and reliable information. Now, the T-TPLF wants to play a propaganda game that Hailemariam’s resignation marks a big change in the future direction of their rule. The fact of the matter is that Hailemariam did not resign. He got the royal T-TPLF boot in the buttocks.

In the end, he had to admit it all. “I, HAILEMARIAM DESSALEGN, TPLF PUPPET!”

Hailemariam in the end shared the fate of Faust who made a deal with the devil and  lost.

Now, Tsadkan delivers the second punch. Since the problem Hailemariam is gone, we can let bygones be bygones, start fresh with an independent commission, hold hands and sing kumbaya.

Tsadkan’s new game is called survival game.

His game plan is to save and preserve the T-TPLF political and economic empire and maintain and sustain the ethnic apartheid system at any and all cost. Tsadkan will do anything to pull the wool over the eyes of the Ethiopian people to accomplish his twin objectives.

Tsadkan and his T-TPLF comrades are absolutely convinced they can pull this “independent commission” thing because they can outsmart, outfox, out-maneuver and outplay the Ethiopian people any day of the week. Tsadkan and his T-TPLF buddies just don’t get it or they just don’t want to get it trapped in their ethnic apartheid echo chamber. It is GAME OVER!

No more T-TPLF mind games, zero sum games, state of emergency games, con games, rip off games,  disinformation and propaganda games, election stealing games, constitutional games, antiterrorism games, negotiation games, war  games, corruptionand corruption prosecution games and all other types of games.

Now the million-dollar question is: Which part of GAME OVER do they not understand?

Since my business is speaking truth to power and abusers of power, let me preach a few truths to Tsadakan and his T-TPLF gang:

The people of Ethiopia are sick and tired of being sick and tired of the T-TPLF.

The T-TPLF has committed untold crimes against humanity against the Ethiopian people. The truth of those crimes must be made public.

The TPLF is a racketeering criminal organization and a registered terrorist organization which enforces its iron-fisted rule by murder, false imprisonment, corruption, bribery, abductions, extortion, money laundering, blackmail, coercion, securities fraud, trial balloon game, and apparently even prostitution. These facts can be proven in a court of law beyond a reasonable doubt.

The T-TPLF had 27 long years to undertake good governance, protect human rights, institute rule of law and administer constitutional government. For 27 long years, the T-TPLF has made a mockery of these things. It is not going to get another 27 years to make things right. No can do!

The T-TPLF has ripped off the Ethiopian for 27 long years. Even vampires take a break sucking the blood of their victims. Enough is enough.

The T-TPLF has divided the country into homelands. But he wise people of Ethiopia are now coming together under the banner of Ethiopiawinet, which means LOVE.

The Ethiopian people regard the T-TPLF and its leaders as their public enemies, not leaders or a legitimate government.

Take a hint T-TPLF. Nobody wants you. Nobody likes you. Nobody wants to see you around.

Why stick around where you are not wanted? Have you no self-respect?

Cut a deal, get your money and run!

You have ripped off billions and stashed it in America, Europe and China. Go and enjoy it.

Leave Ethiopia for the poor people of Ethiopia.

If you don’t know how the Ethiopian people feel about you by now, you will never, never know them.

If you believe you can continue your ethnic apartheid system forever by massacring, jailing and torturing innocent citizens, think again.

I wonder if Tsadkan really believes in his independent commission idea or if he is just playing a trial balloon game. If he does believe in it, surely he must be aware of how insulting the idea is to the intelligence of the Ethiopian people. Of course, the T-TPLF has been piling up insult to injury on the Ethiopian people for the past 27 years. That’s nothing new.

The question is what Tsadkan’s harebrained scam about an “independent commission”  says about Tsadkan’s intelligence? Perhaps Forrest Gump said it best, “Stupid is as stupid does.”

But something needs to be made crystal clear. When has the T-TPLF accepted anything that is independent?

Earlier this month, the U.S. Congress set a countdown for a showdown with the T-TPLF:

Should the Ethiopian government not announce by February 28th that it will allow the independent UN teams access, H.Res.128 would be sent to the floor irrespective of retaliatory threats by the Ethiopian government.

When Meles Zenawi and the T-TPLF established an independent Inquiry Commission to investigate the Meles Massacres of 2005, the chair and vice-chair of the commission were forced into exile and report their findings to members of a subcommittee of the U.S. Congress.

Perhaps Tsadkan is thinking about an independent commission much like the T-TPLF’s “Ethiopian Human Rights Commission” which reported in June 2017 that  the “173 deaths in Oromia” were justified because security forces used appropriate force.

Tsadkan believes creating the commission under the ceremonial president by definition makes it independent. Does the fact that the puppet master pulls the strings from behind the curtain make the puppet independent?

In a way, I grudgingly admire Tsadkan and his T-TPLF. They never quit. When you think they are down on the ground for the count, they will lick the dirt and get up and try one more time.

This time it is different.

The people of Ethiopia are no longer willing to be the T-TPLF’s punching bag. They have been knocked down, kicked down, cracked down, rundown, letdown, putdown and cutdown for 27 long years.

No more! They are punching back and fighting back with the most powerful weapon known to mankind, nonviolence. Civil disobedience, peaceful resistance, noncooperation with their oppressors.

This is round 12 and the T-TPLF is down for the count.

The people of Ethiopia are counting: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10… 27 years.

TPLF, GAME OVER!

The real alternative to an “independent commission”: An Ethiopiawinet-centered grassroots reconciliation process

I challenge Tsadkan to join me in pushing for Ethiopiawinet-centered grassroots reconciliation process.

It is a simple idea founded on a ground up solution. The people of Ethiopia should be in the driver’s seat in the truth and reconciliation process.

I believe the solution to the problems of Ethiopians is in the hands of the ordinary people, not the elites. Not doctors, lawyers or generals.

I believe the ordinary people (71 percent of whom are under 30 years of age at least as of 2014, approaching 35 in 2018) should be in the driver’s seat of the truth, reconciliation and peace process, not the elites.

I believe the elders of Ethiopia’s diverse communities have more wisdom and understanding that the so-called educated elites with fancy degrees and diplomas.

I believe the wisdom, experience and common sense of Ethiopian elders is just as important if not more so than the (mis)guidance of the so-called educated elites.

Is it not true that my generation (not individuals) of educated elites has abandoned the Ethiopian people in their struggle for freedom, democracy and human rights?

I want it to make it perfectly clear. Educated and privileged elites like myself have a very, very important role to play in helping to resolve the current crises and transition Ethiopia from dictatorship/thugtatorship to democracy.

Our role is to be water carriers, tech support and cheer leaders for the young people.

We must come to terms with reality that our time has passed.

I know many of us have great difficulty swallowing this fact.

I am not saying we are irrelevant to the future of Ethiopia. All I am saying is that the future belongs to the younger generation. They have skin in the game, unlike us. They are making the ultimate sacrifice. We should be honored to help the younger generation correct our mistakes and build an Ethiopia at peace with itself. That is my personal mission.

In my twelve years of struggle against the T-TPLF and for freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia, I must confess I have had occasional doubts about the young people’s ability and resolve to rise to the occasion.

Today, I have none. Young Ethiopians have found the true meaning of Ethiopiawinet, which simply means love. Love of the beloved Ethiopian community bound the same garment of destiny. It is the same beloved community Martin Luther King and Nelson Mandela talked about.

My message is very simple. “Let’s get out of the way and give the young people of Ethiopia a chance to build a future for themselves!”

So, here is the final question to friends and foes: “What time is it?”

It is time for Ethiopia’s youth to rise up and take charge of the destiny of their country!

Peace out!

ETHIOPIAWINET TODAY, ETHIOPIAWINET TOMORROW, ETHIOPIAWINET FOREVER!

 

asd

Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino. His teaching areas include American constitutional law, civil rights law, judicial process, American and California state governments, and African politics. He has published two volumes on American constitutional law, including American Constitutional Law: Structures and Process (1994) and American Constitutional Law: Civil Liberties and Civil Rights (1998). He is the Senior Editor of the International Journal of Ethiopian Studies, a leading scholarly journal on Ethiopia. For the last several years, Prof. Mariam has written weekly web commentaries on Ethiopian human rights and African issues that are widely read online. He blogged on the Huffington post at  http://www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/ and later on open.salon until that blogsite shut down in March 2015.

The post An “Independent Commissione” for Ethiopia?: A Rejoinder to Tsadkan Gebretensae appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Poetry and Art: Kebedech Tekleab – Pt 3

UN welcomes Ethiopia PM’s resignation

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Agency Report

The UN said it welcomed the recent decision of Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, to resign, amidst steps toward governance reforms and increased political participation in the country.

FILE PHOTO: Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn speaks during an interview with Reuters at his office in the capital Addis Ababa, October 10, 2013. REUTERS/Tiksa Negeri/File Photo

UN Secretary-General António Guterres said the decision would “allow further political reforms to take place in the country aimed at widening democratic space’’.

Mr. Guterres in a statement by his spokesman, Stephane Dujarric, said he welcomed “the government’s intention to follow through with governance reforms’’.

He asserted that the Government of Ethiopia expressed its intention to continue implementing governance reforms and increasing participation in the political process.

“The United Nations welcomes the steps so far undertaken in that direction, including the release of detainees,” Mr. Guterres said.

He added that the UN considered Ethiopia “a valued partner in peace and security, development, humanitarian and human rights issues in the Horn of Africa and the African continent’’.

According to him, the UN will continue to support the Government of Ethiopia and its people in implementing reforms to enhance governance, stability and development.

The UN chief said “the United Nations also takes note of the recent declaration of a state of emergency.

“It stresses the importance of avoiding actions that would infringe on the human rights and fundamental freedoms of citizens, the peace, security and stability of the country.

“The United Nations also stresses the need to avoid actions that would impact on the delivery of humanitarian assistance.’’

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All Eyes on Ethiopia PM Post as Oromo Party Picks New Leader

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In what looks like a bid to take up the prime minister’s position, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation (OPDO) — one of the four members of the ruling coalition in Ethiopia — on Thursday announced Dr Abiy Ahmed as its new leader.

The party said the move was meant to strengthen it and the cause of the Oromo people, but observers say that was the clearest indication that it was going to nominate Dr Abiy for the premier’s position, left vacant by the recent resignation of Hailemariam Desalegn.

To be nominated, one has to be the party leader and a member of the national parliament.

Dr Abiy, who was the acting chairman, replaced Lemma Megerssa, who is not an MP.

Two other parties in the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front ( EPRDF) are expected to nominate candidates for the premiership and seek parliament’s approval.

Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the party of the late premier Meles Zenawi, is not expected to nominate a candidate, leaving OPDO, the Southern Ethiopian Peoples’ Democratic Front (SEPDF) of Hailemariam, which is expected to find a new chairman, and the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM) to fight it out.

Media reports say the current SEPDF deputy chairman Shiferaw Shigute, who is an MP, is eyeing the position, as is Redwan Hussein, who once served as federal government communications minister.

While SEPDF could be supported by the TPLF, which is the dominant partner in the coalition, it is unlikely that Redwan or Shiferaw will get the votes of the other two parties, which together have about 58 per cent of the seats in the national parliament.

ANDM has held meetings in the past week, seen as a search for a leader, with the current chairman, Gedu Andargachew, who is not an MP, likely to be replaced by Deputy Prime Minister Demeke Mekonnen.

Observers say the nomination of Demeke, would be a winning stroke, as he could garner 50 plus one votes, even without the support of the OPDO, which has the highest number of seats — 178 of 547 — in parliament. But that could further isolate the Oromo and prolong the political impasse.

Already, a state of emergency has been announced as the leaders strive to find a solution to the political crisis in the country ahead of elections slated for May 2020.

But will TPLF give up the premier’s position to someone it does not or will not control? This would also mean ceding control of the military, intelligence and generally the economy.

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Water wars: Tensions build over a Nile dam in Ethiopia

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THE EDITORIAL BOARD
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Water wars: Tensions build over a Nile dam in Ethiopia

A major drama is building in northeast Africa, among Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia, as Ethiopia nears completion of work on a large new dam on the Nile River…

Ethiopia has been building for years the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam at its border with Sudan. It’s on what is called the Blue Nile, the river’s other major tributary. The Blue Nile accounts for some 85 percent of the water flowing into the main Nile. Ethiopia is at the point of filling the huge reservoir behind the dam, already, in Egypt’s eyes, putting Egypt’s Nile waters at risk. Egypt’s complaint is that the Ethiopians have built the dam without, or with insufficient, consultation with it, as to its impact on Egypt. Egypt itself built the massive Aswan Dam, with financing help from the Soviet Union, completing it in 1970.

Sudan, a very dry country, is happy enough with the new Ethiopian dam, which will make irrigation and thus cultivation in it much more feasible than before, attracting investment, increasing food supplies and bringing other benefits.

The United States does not have a dog in the fight, except that it has relatively decent relations with both Egypt and Ethiopia, would not like to see them descend into warfare with each other, and hopes that trouble over the dam will not generate one more war in northeast Africa. There already continues in that region, with American military involvement, the long war between different elements in Somalia, bordering on Ethiopia. The trouble in Somalia started in 1991, and matters there are no better now than they were when the United States first put troops into the conflict in 1992. That war also serves as the justification for the United States maintaining 4,000 troops, jet fighter-bombers and drones in neighboring Djibouti, the former French Somaliland, an expensive U.S. overseas presence…With the Ethiopian dam issue heating up, it could be a good moment for America to step up to the plate to help resolve a serious problem over water, increasingly the basis for major problems in the world.

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