“Military could be well suited to defeating a state but they are some times poor instruments to fight conflicting ideas floating around intangibly…It is easier to attract people to democracy than to course them to be democratic,” Dr. Abiy Ahmed, OPDO official

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VENUE: Positivity Hall, 4^th Floor:  159 Nana Sita Street, Tshwane University of Technology Pretoria, South Africa

Date & Time: March 1^st, 2018 from 2.00 – 6.00 PM

Program Director:  Prof. Mammo Muchie, SARChI- Innovation Studies

Registration: 13:30- 13:45

“Ethiopia has need of no one. She stretches out her hands to God” — Emperor Menelik, February, 1897

“There was never a time when united that Ethiopians lost to an enemy; it is non-existent in history”–Emperor Menilek II, 1909

“Those who are strong, support us with your strength. Those who are weak, support us with your prayers” — Emperor Menelik

“I am a woman. I do not like war. But I would rather die than accepting your deal”– Etige Taitu Bitul, Wife of Menelik II

“Although it had been conquered dozens of times, Ethiopia was the birthplace of African nationalism.” —Nelson Mandela

“So lofty was the status of Ethiopia in the African diaspora that it sometimes was synonymous with Africa itself”—Raymond Jonas

“Ethiopia was one of the few nation-states under African control. Many people of African ancestry embraced it as evidence of the black capacity for self-rule” –Asante

“Adwa Victory made Africa a victor, not a victim” —Former President Dr. Thabo Mbeki

“Better to continue learning our history to know ourselves to make a positive difference to the Africana world’s bright future” — Mammo Muchie

“Ethiopia has a unique distinction in the universe for empowering those that were disempowered, for humanising those that were dehumanised, spiritualising those that were denied their right to worship God and inspiring and strengthening those oppressed to resist oppression” —Mammo Muchie

Relevant educational Links on great Adwa Victory

1. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=624BaD6wKIQ&t=1197s
2. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4GOzVsBwBJ0
3. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vcnKvrTKzOw
4. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zAbBjdjFTZc
5. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=botuSzu17F0

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By Prof. Messay Kebede

I have read and listened to many attempts to explain the imposition of a state of emergency at this crucial juncture of deep political turbulences in Ethiopia. The difficulty of explaining the imposition is that it occurs in conjunction with a declared policy of reform by the ruling clique. After a long self-assessment triggered by continuous popular protests, notably in the Oromo and Amhara regions, the ruling clique conceded the need for reforms, even if it did not go so far as to blame the whole system for the failures. Quite understandably, many observers and activists were baffled by the conjunction of promises of reform with the proclamation of a state of emergency.

Does the conjunction mean that the promised reforms are anything but serious, obvious as it is they do not go together with a state of emergency? As tempting as this last assumption may be, it does not cover the complexity of the situation. The TPLF has to contend with the popular protests; they represent a force that it can neither ignore nor simply crush. As the freeing of political prisoners shows, the TPLF must find some means to appease the pressure of popular unrests, which have also the frustrating implication of worrying donor countries.

Should we then attribute the combination of promises of reform with a state of emergency to the ongoing struggle between hardliners and reformists within the TPLF, the latter trying to introduce some reforms and the former countering them by the imposition of a state of emergency? The downside of this assumption is its inability to explain how the same government could simultaneously adopt a contradictory policy of this magnitude. One way out would be to concede that an undeclared coup d’état has occurred in the country. But nothing of what we see so far resembles a coup. For one thing, no radical reshuffle has affected the ruling circles, with the exception of the announced resignation of a prime minister whose known powerlessness makes the departure uneventful. For another, it is in the nature of putschists to announce openly and with great fanfare their rise to power by sidelining the old clique.

There is a possible third explanation, the very one that the ruling clique advocates. It asserts the commitment of the EPRDF to necessary reforms, but argues that the maintenance of law and order is essential to implement them. Hence the rational of the state of emergence: it is not so much to squash democratic rights as to restore the order needed for peaceful reforms, especially by going against extremists and troublemakers. Needless to say, this justification of the state of emergency is laughable in view of the fact that the regime has done nothing to open the political space, notably by engaging seriously opposition groups. Moreover, the attempt to sell its commitment to reform while retaining the dignitaries who are responsible for the failures of the regime smacks of hypocrisy and deceptive scheme.

To make sense of the association of velleity of reforms with the state of emergency, it is important that we ask the question of knowing what exactly the TPLF and its satellite parties are mostly afraid of. Undoubtedly, they fear the perseverance and amplification of popular unrests. Let us make sure that our answer is the appropriate one. It is not that the unrests and the demands for reforms can by themselves overthrow the TPLF; rather, the fear has to do with the negative impacts that they have on supporters, party members, and repressive apparatuses (police, security, army, etc.). The sight of the TPLF accepting some demands under popular pressure is quite unsettling for supporters and party members. They know that the acceptance of reforms under pressure can only encourage more protests and demands. As Tocqueville said, “the most dangerous time for a bad government is usually when it begins to reform.” Moreover, the need to contain continuous protests, often by the use of force, has the noteworthy effect of wearing down repressive forces. The outcome of all this is demoralization, loss of faith, divisions, desertions, which are the ingredients leading to the inevitable decomposition of state power. Indeed, mass protests on the one hand and divisions and loss of determination on the other announce the gathering of revolutionary storms. They are those very criteria that define a revolutionary situation. To quote Lenin, “it is only when the ‘lower classes’ do not want to live in the old way and the ‘upper classes’ cannot carry on in the old way that the revolution can triumph.”

The imposition of the state of emergency does not mean that the TPLF does not understand the necessity of reforms. It does, but what it does not like is that the path of reform inevitably leads to the loss of its hegemonic position. Hence the decision to have it both ways: appease the masses by some minor concessions while strengthening the grip of the repressive apparatus. In this way, the protests will gradually recede and supporters and repressive forces will regain confidence and their usual zeal to protect the system. In other words, under pain of losing the control of power, the TPLF sees no other solution than the adoption of a carrot and stick policy.

Whether the policy would bring the expected outcome is a question not hard to answer. The lessons of history tell us that the recourse to increased repression, other than giving more time, never removes the inevitable fall of an unpopular government. The gain of more time simply hardens the opposition, making the reaching of an agreed compromise impossible. However, the recourse to enhanced repression makes one thing absolutely clear: the rejection of the constitution of a government of national reconciliation, as advocated by many leaders of opposition parties, activists, and some donor countries. It also dismisses for good Rene Lefort’s call for an early election that would become free and fair under the supervision of “a supreme authority . . . , emanating from all the main stakeholders, whether government, opposition or civil society, in Ethiopia or abroad.” (See http://ethioforum.org/crisis-in-ethiopia-elections-and-fast-by-rene-lefort/). Also supported by General Tsadkan Gebretensae, a former Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian Defense Forces, the proposal overlooks that the TPLF knows that a free and fair general election would be its political suicide.

There is only one way to avoid a general conflagration in Ethiopia: it is for the TPLF to effect real reforms, which it cannot do without including opposition parties (the inclusion can take various forms). In becoming a means to needed reforms rather than opposing them, the TPLF can go a long way in assuming a new legitimacy and securing a promising political future. Unfortunately, this evolutionary path is blocked by the availability of the secession of Tigray if the Ethiopian situation becomes utterly inimical to the hegemonic rule of the TPLF. The message of the TPLF to Ethiopian peoples is thus clear enough: either you accept my rule or else the quagmire of civil wars await you! In other words, the thinking that the TPLF must undertake some reforms if it wants to survive overlooks the option of secession. With this option in mind, one perfectly understands why enhanced repression sprinkled with some reforms is the last recourse before the final decision, unless . . . .

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Etenesh Abera

Addis Abeba, February 27/2018 – Amidst continued anti-governments protests and reports of causalities, including death, in parts of the Oromia regional state, particularly in Dembi Dolo and Nekemt, in western Ethiopia, the Command post established to oversee the reinstated state of emergency said its patience against what it called ant-peace elements has run out and it no longer tolerates any form of disruptions of public peace; it said it instructed security forces “to take necessary measures to restore peace.”

The command post, led by Siraj Fegessa, the defense minister,  also said it will take serious measures against individuals who are “intimidating members of parliament”, including acts of posing house-to-house-threats. It said some MPs have lodged complaints with the command post. The warning from the command post on “threats” against MPs came after activists posted phone numbers of MPs online and urged their constituencies to lobby the MPs to vote against the proposed ratification of the state of emergency.

Nekemt February 26/2018

Protests in Nekemt have be ongoing since last Saturday after federal security forces forced leaders the recently released leaders of the opposition, Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), to cancel an event in Nekemt & return back to Addis Abeba after a standoff that lasted for more than 7 hours.

Larger protests erupted yesterday in Nekemt and protesters have blocked roads with burning tyres in what they said were to prevent the security forces from crackdown on protesters.  They were also chanting slogans against the state of emergency and the now famous protest slogan, “down, down Woyane”, referring to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), one of the four parties that make up the ruling EPRDF.

On Saturday, while the security were holding OFC leaders, protests were ongoing further west in Dembi Dolo after security forces tried to arrest individuals who were organizing public gatherings for religious purpose, according to activists.

This morning, Addisu Arega, head of Oromia communication bureau, confirmed the ongoing protests in Nekemt and said one person, Abebe Mokonnen, was killed and seven others were wounded. Activists say more than 15 people were wounded in various incidents after security forces have opened fire at protesters.

The statement from the command post also alleges that “illegal forces” have thrown a hand grenade against security forces in Nekemt and have obstructed the peace and security of citizens. However, it didn’t give specifics on what “to take all measures necessary.”

Nekemt February 26/2018

The statement from the command post came before the ruling party dominated members of parliament were to meet on Friday after they were called from recess to convene for an extraordinary session. They are reconvening to decide on the state of emergency, which is met by several criticism both by citizens and opposition leaders in Ethiopia  as well as  Ethiopia’s western allies.  AS

All pictures were received by Addis Standard

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The 122nd Victory of Adwa, Washington DC @ 12:00 P.M., Saturday, March 3, 2018

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Voice of Amhara Radio on Patriot Gobe Meleke Feb 28 2017

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SAMANTHA RAPHELSON

A new mega-dam being built by Ethiopia on the Nile River is threatening to spark a war over water and shift political influence in northeastern Africa.

Ethiopia sees the dam as the key to its economic future, but its neighbor to the north, Egypt, fears the dam could spell doom for its water supply, says BBC Africa correspondent Alastair Leithead. The Nile supplies nearly 85 percent of all water in Egypt, according to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations.

GOATS AND SODA

Don’t Torpedo The Dam, Full Speed Ahead For Ethiopia’s Nile Project

The $4 billion Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam would tower over 500 feet and will generate more than three times the amount of energy produced by the Hoover Dam in the U.S. When completed, it will be the largest dam in Africa and will generate up to 6,450 megawatts of energy.

“Egypt has had control politically of the Nile for millennia,” Leithead tells Here & Now’s Jeremy Hobson. “And suddenly Ethiopia has now come along — in the middle of the Arab Spring, they started building this dam — now they can, if they want, to control the flow. They say that’s not what this is about.”

According to the World Bank, about 75 million Ethiopians or three-quarters of the population currently lack access to electricity. The country predicts the energy produced by the mega-dam will help put people to work, Leithead says. Industry growth in the region is a priority because the United Nations predicts the population of Africa will double by 2050.

“It’s not about control of the flow, but providing opportunity for us to develop ourselves through energy development,” Seleshi Bekele, Ethiopia’s Minister for Water, Irrigation and Electricity, told the BBC.

But Ethiopia’s dive head first into the project has real implications for Egypt’s water supply. The United Nations is already predicting that Egypt will experience water shortages by 2025.

“The pharaohs used to say about Egypt that it was the gift of the Nile,” Leithead says. “They used to worship the river as a god. And they now see a country upstream with a big tap that if they want to, they can turn off that river’s flow.”

The dam could exacerbate shortages because as the reservoir behind it fills up, the Nile’s water levels could drop by 25 percent for up to seven years, the Geological Society of America estimates.

PARALLELS

In Egypt, A Rising Sea — And Growing Worries About Climate Change’s Effects

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi is pressing Ethiopia to slow down the timeline for filling up the reservoir, but talks between the two countries are stalled, Leithead says.

The mega-dam could both politically and economically transform the Horn of Africa. For some countries downstream, like Sudan, it will provide cheaper electricity, and will help regulate the river’s water levels, which are prone to yearly flooding. But Sudan’s support could potentially disrupt a 1959 treaty with Egypt that allocates the Nile’s waters between the two countries.

“If Egypt ‘loses’ Sudan — the only country it has a water allocation agreement with, and the only Nile riparian country which can pose significant threats to waters flowing downstream due to its high irrigation potential — that would be extremely risky for Egypt,” Ana Cascão, an expert on the politics of the Nile, told Foreign Policy.

Ethiopia’s drive to complete the project, which the government is funding entirely, echoes the attitude of Egypt when it built the Aswan High Dam in the 1960s, Leithead adds.

“You look back at the old footage from a few decades ago in the ’60s when Egypt was building the Aswan High Dam, and you see the kind of nationalism, the kind of, ‘We are behind this project. This is us as a country doing something dramatic,'” he says. “That is what Ethiopia is doing right now.”

 

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By  Nizar Manek
Blloomberg

• Security forces instructed to use ‘all necessary measures’
• Ethiopia’s government declared a state of emergency Feb. 16

Ethiopian authorities ordered the country’s security forces to “take all the necessary measures” to deal with anti-government agents in the restive Oromia region.

 

The so-called Command Post, which is administering a state of emergency declared on Feb. 16, must deal with “illegal forces” in Oromia if they “do not refrain from their destructive actions immediately,” according to a statement published Tuesday by the ruling-party funded Fana Broadcasting Corp.

Government forces blocked leaders of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress, including Chairman Merera Gudina and Secretary-General Bekele Gerba from entering Nekemte on Sunday, said Beyene Petros, who heads the Medrek coalition of opposition parties that includes the OFC. Merera was freed from prison in January and Bekele this month as part of a mass release of more than 7,000 detainees first announced by the government in January.

“The population is angry and reacting,” Beyene said by phone from Addis Ababa. “The population was waiting to receive the leaders of the Oromo Federalist Congress.”

Calls to the mobile phones of Merera and Information Minister Negeri Lencho didn’t connect when Bloomberg sought comment.

The government has been struggling for more than two years to end sporadic and often deadly anti-government protests in the Oromia and Amhara regions. The Oromo and Amhara communities together make up more than half of Ethiopia’s population, Africa’s largest after Nigeria. Activists from both groups claim that minority ethnic Tigrayans, who are about 6 percent of the population, dominate an authoritarian government.

One person was killed this week and seven were wounded as protests continue in Nekemte, an Oromia market town about 242 kilometers (151 miles) west of the capital, Addis Ababa, Oromia spokesman Addisu Arega said in a Facebook post Tuesday, citing reports received by the regional government.

Bekele and Merera “had to be sent back to Addis,” according to Beyene. “Since we are under a state of emergency, under that kind of embargo, no activities are allowed.”

Ethiopia, Africa’s fastest-growing economy over the past decade, is a key U.S. ally in its battle against al-Qaeda in the Horn of Africa. Home to more than 100 million people, the $72 billion economy has drawn investors including General Electric Co., Johannesburg-based Standard Bank Group and hundreds of Chinese companies.

The U.S. on Feb. 17 said it strongly disagreed with Ethiopia’s decision to impose a state of emergency that “includes restrictions on fundamental rights such as assembly and expression.”

 

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FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
February 28, 2018

Re: Ethiopian Regime’s Misinformation Campaign On H. Res 128

Ethiopian Advocacy Network (EAN) and Ethiopian American Civic Council (EACC) would like to bring to our people’s attention a misinformation campaign aimed at thwarting the momentum of our euorts to pass H. Res 128 in the US House of representatives.

It has come to our attention a high level misinformation campaign which has the hand print of the tyrannical regime in Addis is circulating false rumors to distract our people including.

• Deadline is postponed till March 4th
• State department has rejected Res 128
• Both houses just passed the bill
• UN has refused to send their team to Ethiopia

It goes without saying all of the above are lies fabricated by paid agents of a desperate regime. Today the time given to the regime to respond ends, the next step will be for the U.S. House of Representatives to schedule H.Res 128 for a floor vote.

We would like to emphasize the euorts of Ethiopian-Americans at the grass roots calling, emailing and meeting your representative in Congress should continue without let up until the final vote is counted. It’s imperative that Ethiopian-American grass roots activists continue calling, emailing & meeting with their representatives until the final vote count.

Please check www. HR128.org and our face book page, as we will post updates regularly. If you have any questions please send an email to info@hr128.org.

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Andualem Aragie was the Vice President and Press Secretary for Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJP) party and he has two children named Nolawi and Ruth from his wife Dr. Selam Aschalew. He was serving a life sentence on terrorism charges and was imprisoned on September 14, 2011. It was his second time in prison. A couple of weeks ago he was pardoned by the government and set free from the prison in Kality.

He argues that the current political protests in the country will stop if discussions occur between the government and other stakeholders both here and abroad. Capital’s Reporter Tesfaye Getnet talked to him at his home about his time in prison and the current situation in Ethiopia.

Capital: What was it like to be in prison for six years?

Andualem Aragie: The years in prison were long and were filled by many ups and downs. It was a harsh environment.

Thanks to God my strong wife properly took care of our two children who had to grow up without a father during the years I stayed in prison. She visited me regularly and brought me food and other things like she did when I was imprisoned for two years for the things I did for UDPJ in the 2005 election.

And my two kids visited me so often by challenging the gravel road that brings you to the prison. The treatment I got in prison was very bad, much worse than my pervious prison life. In ’Meaklwai’ Prison I was put in a dark room in Kality for two and a half years with 18 people who had committed terrible crimes.

The room we were in was small. There were no mattresses we slept on an uneven floor. Soon I developed a problem with my back bone, which is a medical condition where a person feels as if they or the objects around them are moving when they are not. I did not receive the necessary medical treatment for this. Prisoners would often fight which was disturbing. Eventually I was transferred to the so called White House cell for eight months. I was housed with the journalist Eskinder Nega.

Then I was moved to another ground room with no window. My cellmate was Melaku Fenta, the former director of the Ethiopian Revenue and Customs Authority.

I began to experience problems with my mental health. I wrote two books in this room which were sold on the market along with many poems.

Capital: The Government says they are releasing people to help foster sustainable peace what is your opinion about this?

Andualem: I believe that the releasing of prisoners did not come from the will of the government but the pressure of the people. However, it is a positive starting point. I see that the pressure from the mass have been a contributing factor in convincing the government to change some things.

It is a positive start but it is a spark not a full light. There is always a struggle to get a government powered by its people. If a country is not governed based on the will of its people it does not matter if you build roads, railways, apartments or other infrastructure because people are great when they take ownership of their nation. They want to keep their dignity. The recent protests were a testimony that people were asking for their rights. They were asking for democracy. However, I strongly advise people that they should not burn buildings, damage property or act violently when asking for change. With peaceful dialogue radical change can come.

Capital: How did you feel when you found out UDPJ was fragmented?

Andualem: I don’t deny that I felt sorrow. The problem stems from the party’s weakness and outside pressure. However, it is a natural process. We must ask ourselves, however, if the playing field is level. After the 2005 election the government did not mind the opposition until it gained traction. It is a common practice by the government to oppress, jail and disturb when opposition parties get attention. Now, however, many young activists are asking for democracy which makes me happy. Like I have written before if the government does not allow opposition parties to join the public square then people should work without parties and that is what we have seen.

Capital: Do you feel the PM’s recent resignation will make a difference?
Andualem: It is not the first time a PM has resigned. In the late 1960’s Aklilu Habtewold also resigned during the time of Hailelselassie. I don’t know if it will do much or not if you do not make systemic changes you usually end up with the same issues. For example the late PM Meles Zenawi is gone but we have similar problems. We need an inclusive discussion where everyone can participate regardless of their political views.

Capital: What do you think about the state of emergency?

Andualem: It is a paradox for me. The government should open wide discussions with the people to understand the reasons behind the protest, the logic behind the unrest. Without providing a solution applying a state of emergency is moving the people from the dark to another dark place. It is about time to call all stakeholders who are concerned about their country to provide solutions.

Capital: What about the ethnic tensions?

Andualem: In the country there are several parties who want democracy and now they are working together which is very important for Ethiopia. It is very bad to have an ethnic mindset, we must work together for our country. Dictatorship is inhuman but racism is worse. We must fight this kind of barbarism to make a peaceful country. We are not human if we attack somebody based on the languages they speak or the tribe they belong to. When we slaughter an animal there is pity in our heart so attacking people is wrong. One hundred years ago our fore fathers who spoke different languages and came from different areas and fought foreign aggression by uniting themselves and they did not attack each other and after 100 years we who are living in modern times must not attack our brothers and sisters. We should love one another.

Capital: What do you think might happen if the current unrest continues?

Andualem: People want to live a better life with a better system. The government should accept the reality and come up with wise solutions. I am sure that if the government is responsive to people then people will not protest. We have a great opportunity to write the history of Ethiopian democracy.

We had great civilizations in Axum and other fantastic histories in Adwa and Lalibila but we don’t have yet a peaceful power transition and the current government has the opportunity to do that. It is about to do big things like Lemma Megersa who is doing good things for the country and other ruling party leaders should follow his example.

Capital: Why do you think there is no a strong opposition party?

Andualem: Frankly speaking most of the opposition leaders give more priority to self-centered thinking instead of the nation, if we work on a national agenda we can come together but we divide each other and the reason for this is self-centered thinking. We cannot create a strong nation by continuously being divided. We should be inspired by those that have sacrificed before us and do things to benefit the next generation. We should not care about our status as long as we are serving the people.

Capital: Do you think the Diaspora needs to get more involved?

Andualem: We all are working for our country. I appreciate the work of the Diaspora but we need to work together more.

Capital: What do you plan to do now?

Andualem: I spent many years in prison so I don’t have enough information about all the aspects of the country. I want to read books, meet my friends and understand the atmosphere. Then I will announce what I will do for my beloved Ethiopia. I want to spend a lot of time with my children who did not get their father’s love when I was in prison.

Source: Capital Newspaper

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Eskinder Nega was the editor of the newspapers Asqual, Satnaw, Menlike, and Etopis. He has been given the nickname ‘iron man’ and has been recognized for his passionate writing.  He won the International Press Institutes 69th World Press Freedom Hero award and the Pen of Freedom Award, and the Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award.  In the 1980s Eskinder moved to the US and after graduating high school he went to a University where he studied political science and economics. He then came back. He spent six years in prison until he was pardoned recently. Captial’s reporter Tesfaye Getnet talked with Eskinder about his experience and thoughts. Excerpts; 

Capital: What is it like to be able to walk freely?

Eskinder Nega: My prison life in Kality falls into two parts. There were the two years I spent with the general population. I lived with many prisoners.  I had access to a library and a place of worship. However the bad part about this area was the poor sanitation conditions. The toilets were always dirty, the beds were not clean because the rooms were overcrowded. You had to jump over sleeping prisoners to get to the toilet because there was no space in the cell. The place reminded me of the Gulag prisons in Siberia that was built during Stalin’s time in Russia. Then I was transferred to a dark room for four and half years because of articles I wrote, which were published in the New York Times and Guardian. They asked me to stop writing articles in prison but I refused. When they moved me to the small, dark room I was denied pens paper and books. They would not even let me read the Bible. This was irrational and I will never forget it.

Capital: The government’s point of view seems to be that media outlets have printed fake news or lack ethics and that it leads to unrest. Do you think such claims are true?  

Eskinder: What is true journalism? It is a controversial point. I believe that opinion articles  are  also part of freedom of expression  and it is an important part of any country’s media. A Journalist is not an echo of the ruling party as they wish. They would say true journalism is reporting what the government says. Of course getting their perspective is one element of journalism but it is necessary to go beyond that and seek the truth. Reporting should go beyond what political parties say. Writing opinion pieces is part of journalism as well.

Capital: Why do you think the ruling party is opposed to opinions?  

Eskinder: Media opinion is not well done in Ethiopia in general. The ruling party does not like civic associations. You can find a report which says Ethiopia is one of the least fertile atmospheres for civic associations which prevents labor unions from forming groups.

Capital: What gave you a passion for writing?

Eskinder:  I’ve worked in media for a long time. The more I wrote the more passionate I became about writing. I have a natural gift for writing. I am also passionate about seeing Ethiopia become a democratic country. I am not saying Ethiopia should be like the US but it upsets me to see places like Benin, Botswana and Malawi become more democratic than Ethiopia especially since we have one of the proudest histories of any African country.

Capital: How would you evaluate the Ethiopian media?

Eskinder: Governments have criticized media everywhere including the US and UK, look at Donald Trump.  Developmental journalism as it is called does play a positive role by emphasizing the good in the country. However I believe media does need to act as a watchdog and point out other ways of doing things otherwise it is not playing its role.

Capital: What can be done to help journalists conduct better research and find better facts?

Eskinder: Let’s start with me. My choice is to be a journalist but I can’t do that in here because of the system.  I just can’t!! The task of a journalist is to chronicle events but the system opposes them. If you do not report things as they want they torture and arrest you.

Here a journalist must do their media work while at the same time trying to advocate for a more open environment. The reason opinion based journalism is flourishing is because of vast oppression. If Ethiopia become more democratic, the country will have best media and become an example for everyone in Africa.

Capital: What do you think about the PM’s resignation?

Eskinder: The Ethiopian political problem will be solved if the current ruling party holds negotiations with legal political parties in here and abroad without any pre conditions.  If the PM’s resignation lead us in this way that is fine, in other words we have to see what the next steps will be.

Capital: What are your thoughts about the new state of emergency?

Eskinder: It may handle problems temporarily but  like I said  there must be negotiations between parties and the government. I agree with the US embassy’s stand on the state of emergency.

Capital: What do you think about the current unrest?

Eskinder: There are two doors, one that will lead us to trouble and one that will take us to peace and stability. I expect the second will come because many people have and are sacrificing to get us there.

We should learn from the example of South Africa about how to handle ethnic clashes. In the late 1980s the world had given up on South Africa. The clashes which had erupted among white and black or other clans and tribes were way worse than what we are experiencing now. The dictatorship actually made tribes more suspicious of one another. Democracy helped alleviate tribalism in fact if we look at other places like Nigeria and Ghana in the 1980s the two major stumbling blocks for democracy were corruption and tribalism. When they increased democracy they decreased tribalism.

Capital: One common criticism is that the other parties are not strong enough to govern what do you think about this?

Eskinder: If you look at the US and Malawi the way the democracy manifests itself is different. People should set up parties because they are going to, for example, come up with different policies on land and investment while still striving for democracy. It shouldn’t be because they can’t get along.

Capital: Why do you think it is so hard for democracy to come to Ethiopia despite its spectacular history?  

Eskinder:  It is a difficult question to answer. The Czech Republic and the Croatia have more democracy than the Russia and the Japan has more democracy than China and Egypt is older but Tunisia has better democracy than Egypt. We need academic research. We also need thinkers and writers not only in Ethiopia but also Russia, China and Egypt to ponder this question.

Capital: What is your opinion about members of the Diaspora?

Eskinder: They have helped advocate democracy in Ethiopia. They are struggling a lot too. There is an extremist point of view but that happens everywhere even in places like Scandinavian countries.

Capital: What will your next job be?

Eskinder: Soon after I was released from prison I said: ‘Justice for Democracy’. I will strive for democracy and I will continue to write.

Source: Capital Newspaper

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Heard on All Things Considered
NPR

The stands shake as fans break into song. Hundreds jump up and down, setting a much faster tempo than the play on the field.

This soccer stadium is in the heart of political opposition territory in Ethiopia. On a recent Sunday, thousands of supporters are sitting shoulder to shoulder. And surrounding the pitch, dozens of paramilitary police look out at the crowd, some with their guns in hand, others at the ready with tear gas canisters.

“I came here to see the play,” says one spectator, Solomon, an older man who asked only to use his first name because talking to a journalist in Ethiopia can land you in trouble. “Most of the people came to see the play. But some people are here to see the disruption.”

For the past three years, this region of Ethiopia has been engulfed by protests. What began as demonstrations against the expansion of the capital Addis Ababa have widened to include protests about ethnic equality, corruption and democracy. Thousands have been arrested and hundreds have been killed. In February, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn announced his resignation and the government placed the country under a state of emergency. The unrelenting protests have presented the most serious threat to the country’s ruling coalition since it came to power in 1991.

The popular uprising has affected seemingly all aspects of life — including soccer, the country’s favorite sport. Soccer stadiums have become battlefields and teams have become a proxy for the political divisions in the country. The 16 premier-league teams represent provinces largely drawn along ethnic lines.

In this match the home team, Adama City, is from an opposition stronghold and Welwalo Adigrat University comes from an area dominated by Tigrayans, an ethnic minority group that controls much of the government.

Solomon shakes his head at the prospect of a confrontation here, especially if Adama loses. Across the country, soccer games have been disrupted by fans fighting each other and clashing with police. The country’s soccer federation has had to relocate matches from restive areas because of the potential for violence.

“It’s the low-minded people who bring protests to stadiums,” Solomon says. “It’s the young guys who don’t know that soccer is about peace.”

And just as he says that, Adama scores a goal and the crowd erupts into a joyous roar.

For a moment, at least, the country’s politics seem really far away.

‘Ethiopians love football beyond our life’

Ethiopia has a long and tortured history with soccer, which like many nations it calls football. The country was one of the founding members of the Confederation of African Football and, in 1962, the national team became the continental champion. Since then, Ethiopians have barely made it past the first round and have never qualified for the World Cup.

Still, Ethiopians love the game. Fans travel hundreds of miles to see their teams. Sometimes you’ll see caravans of cars stopped on the side of a highway — the fans jumping by the side of the of the road or on top of the cars waving their team flags.

“We Ethiopians love football beyond our life,” says Mokaninet Berhe, the host of Sport Zone Ethiopia, a TV program featuring sports documentaries. “They support their clubs beyond their life. They are mad. They are ultras.”

In Ethiopia, the beautiful game has routinely been an arena where politics are played out. It began in the 1930s, when Italy was trying to colonize the country. At the time, Ethiopians were not allowed to play alongside Europeans. So in 1935, the St. George Sports Club emerged as the first all-Ethiopian pro soccer team.

In the early 1940s, Ethiopia defeated Italy to end the Second Italo-Ethiopian War. Almost immediately afterward, the two countries faced off on the soccer field. The Ethiopians won and St. George became a symbol of the country’s struggle for freedom.

“St. George football club is the only one [that allowed] Ethiopians to express their feelings,” Berhe says.

And that relationship continued through Ethiopia’s modern history. In the ’80s, during the red-terror days of the Derg regime, soccer again provided an outlet in a country where freedom of speech was, and still remains, deeply curtailed.

As the historian Solomon Addis Getahun describes it, during that period certain teams were linked with the military and police and others, like St. George, were associated with the people. So, it was not uncommon for games to end with clashes between security forces and soccer supporters.

Ethiopia is seeing some of the same things happening today: Spectators are shouting anti-government chants and there have been violent clashes between fans and with police.

“So now in Ethiopia, the supporters are now bigger than the game,” says Berhe.

It’s obviously political but it’s also about sports, he adds. On the streets, Ethiopians are demanding a better life. They want better education and jobs. They want their voice to be heard. On the pitch, they want coaching; they want commitment.

And right now, all they’re getting on the field is frustration — a moribund national team and a premier league with dispiriting games ending in a tie, or without a single goal scored.

Holes in the field

Back at the stadium, Adama takes a 2-0 lead. One of its players weaves through the Welwalo defense and finds an opening outside the box — no defenders and a distracted goalie.

He shoots but misses — high and wide. The crowd groans.

Tadyos, a guy in his early 20s, who also wants to be identified only by his first name because he fears retribution, sits down near Solomon. He has one hand on his forehead, not believing what he just saw.

A well-trained team shouldn’t miss a shot like that. But, Tadyos says, it’s not the training. “It’s the field,” he says, in Amharic. “It’s uneven with holes everywhere. If the government took care of it instead of using the money to enrich itself, fans would see better football.”

That play set Tadyos off. Suddenly his voice grows louder and he stops looking at the paramilitary police in front of him.

“The corruption in Ethiopia has not only ruined the country’s football,” he says, “but also torn the country apart by sowing division along ethnic lines.”

After almost three years of nonstop protests, Ethiopia has become deeply divided. A central aspect of the conflict is that huge ethnic groups in the country feel marginalized and left out of prosperity by the ruling coalition.

It’d be nice for the game to be pure again, says Tadyos, but he’s certain that won’t happen until all Ethiopians feel heard.

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An Australian legislator has warned that Ethiopia’s current political situation could have wider implications for the Horn of Africa region, for Africa and to an extent the world.

According to Anthony Byrne, a Federal Member for Holt in Victoria, Ethiopia was undergoing a period of political transition that has an uncertain end.

In a ten-minute address delivered in the House of Representatives in the Australian Parliament, Byrne dispelled the idea that Africa was far from Australia and its business should be left to it to handle.

There is a fairly substantial transition that is occuring at the present period of time. We are not exactly sure where that will lead to, but that does have an impact on Africa, it does have an impact on the security of the country.

“Some, (deputy speaker), will say what happens in Africa does not affect our country, that is just not true, I mean, Africa is a growing – series of countries that will have an increasing say in world affairs.

“And so what does happen in Ethiopia regardless of how far away people think it is does have an impact and ultimately will have an impact on this country and what happens to the Ethiopian government.

“There is a fairly substantial transition that is occuring at the present period of time. We are not exactly sure where that will lead to, but that does have an impact on Africa, it does have an impact on the security of the country,” he said.

He continued that Ethiopian politics had an impact on the diaspora communities in Australia stressing that it could have, “depending on what the outcome is, quite a destabilizing impact on those countries within Africa.”

His February 26, 2018 address to the parliament was pinned on what he said were ‘ongoing persecution of the Oromo peoples in Ethiopia.’ He called on the Ethiopian regime to halt persecutions of the Oromos whiles pledging to represent their interests as best as possible.

“I’d urge the Ethiopian government and will continue to rise on behalf of the Oromo community in my constituency and elsewhere in Victoria in this country to cease the ongoing persecution of the Oromo peoples in Ethiopia.

“And I will continue to work with Oromo leaders in Victoria and overseas to continue to highlight their concerns.”

Anthony was elected as the Federal Member for Holt in a by-election in 1999, and re-elected in 2001, 2004, 2007, 2010 and 2013. He is known for his stands on human rights issues and inclusive societies.

You can watch his full address to parliament

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A bloc in Ethiopia’s ruling coalition is faced with a tight task in an upcoming parliamentary vote to ratify a state of emergency (SoE) imposed by government reportedly to quell spreading insecurity.

Members of Parliament from the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) are being lobbied by online activists to vote against the measure when it is put to vote on Friday.

As a bloc with a substantial number of legislators (around 180) it is believed that the SoE will be defeated if they refuse to vote along with the government.

Online activists led by Jawar Mohammed have marked the vote as one that will underline OPDO’s allegiance to the Oromo people or to the regime. But the party spokesperson is on record to have said that they supported the SoE and other political reforms being pursued by the government.

The Oromia region has been largely defiant of the nationwide measure with youth in the town of Nekemte clashing with federal forces deployed in the region. Most Oromos aver that the government wants to restrict freedom of expression by the state of emergency move.

Jawar and other activists had since Monday posted phone contacts of MPs urging their constituents to lobby them to kick against the SoE.

It turned out that some people ended up threatening the lawmakers. The Command Post in charge of the SoE issued a warning against the threats and asked federal forces to take necessary action to contain protesters in Oromia.

There is talk that the new Prime Minister will be from the OPDO. The party recently replaced its leader Lemma Megerssa with Dr Abiy Ahmed – a strategic move as it positions to pick the Prime Minister slot for the first time.

The Premier slot became vacant after outgoing Hailemariam Desalegn tendered in his resignation according to him, to pave way for greater political reforms. The SoE was declared a day after his resignation.

The other parties in the ruling Ethiopia Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) are: the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), Southern Ethiopian Peoples Democratic Movement (SEPDM) and the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM).

The last two Premiers have come from the TPLF (Meles Zenawi) who was in charge from 1995 till his death in August 2012. Desalegn (head of SEPDM) took over in September 2012 till his resignation in February 2018. The current deputy PM is Demeke Mekonnen from the ANDM.

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By Ayele Bekerie, PhD.

This year marks the 122nd anniversary of Ethiopia’s historic victory of Adwa

Ethiopia (TADIAS) — In 1896, March was a historic month in Ethiopia, which drew the attention of the whole world. It was significant because of Ethiopia’s spectacular victory over the invading European nation – Italy, at the Battle of Adwa. According to the writing of the historian and social researcher Donald Levine, the black African nation, Ethiopia, irreversibly beat a European power ever since the domination of Europe over Africa.

When we think of and remember the Victory of Adwa, we should always recognize that the Ethiopian people, all together, were willing to sacrifice their lives in fighting against the foreign invader and maintain their national unity. Adwa is a common aim and a common future plan. We need to clearly understand the principle Adwa proved to us and express our ownership of the victory in practical terms. If Africa has to write and promote its own history, it will be obligatory to follow the Adwa principle. Adwa has been an icon for the anti-colonization struggle. Adwa has been an inspiration and hope for all the oppressed people.

Zewdie G/Silassie states the importance of the Victory of Adwa as, “this [victory] that covered
the European sky with clouds of sadness gave courage and hope of independence for people, in Asia or Africa, who were oppressed by the colonizers.”

The renowned historian, researcher and pan-African scholar W.E.B. DuBois commented on the Victory of Adwa noting that, “other people who are under colonization have to continue to fight for independence by taking Adwa as an example. They need to be determined to fight harder and make clear to the whole world that they don’t have to compromise living in freedom.”

The history of Adwa is a history that inspired African brothers and sisters who were deprived of their freedom by colonizers or racist regimes for a continued struggle. The victory served as a propelling factor for anti-colonial and pan-African movements that started in the 20th century and also helped them to establish institutions, such as the African Union.

Colonization was a power-based racist ruling system. It was a system that was filled with violence, abuse, resource exploitation or looting and was derogatory. When it was initially established, it was meant to keep Europeans superior and Africans inferior at all times. However, this hypocritical goal was dismantled by the determined struggles of Africans for freedom, following the example of Adwa.

The colonizers used to conceal their malevolent aim of coming to Africa by saying that they were coming to Africa to help Africans educate and develop.

The imperialists’ colonization conference took place in 1884-85 in Berlin, Germany. This was a
conference to negotiate the scrambling and partitioning of Africa without causing conflicts among the colonial powers themselves.

Africans had struggled against European colonization since its beginning and their struggles have been documented in history. The Algerians had fought against the French colonizers for over 17 years. In their struggle, they had used Islamism as their unifying instrument. Other nations also had similar struggles. Nevertheless, it hadn’t been possible for Africans to overcome their colonizers who had been all equipped with modern weapons, medications, technologies and industrial power.

The Sudan fighters in Omdurman had sacrificed a lot to defeat the British colonizers. In 1898, the Sudan lost 11,000 fighters while the Brits lost only 49 fighters. This was because the fighters of the colonizer led by General Kitchener were equipped with automatic machine guns.

Samori Touré of Mali fought the French colonizers for about 16 years in Guinea and Mali, with 30,000 soldiers and horseback fighters using home-made and imported weapons. This African anti-colonial hero was captured and exiled to Gabon and died there in 1900.

Furthermore, among the different people who resisted and fought against the colonial powers were the Ndebele people of Zimbabwe in 1896, the Asante people of Ghana in 1900, the Herero people of Namibia in 1904, and the Maji Maji anti-colonial forces of Tanzania in 1905-07.

Among the anti-colonial struggles of the 20th century, the Kenyan land and freedom movement, Zimbabwe’s freedom war from 1965-79, the Mozambique struggle from 1961-74, as well as Angola, Guinea Bissau, and Cape Verde’s movements are worth mentioning.

Yet, Ethiopia was the only nation that combated and overcame the colonial power. Ethiopia was able to protect its sovereignty as a result of the preparation for fighting at equal capacity and weapons: gun to gun, artillery to artillery, without being excelled by the technology the enemy had. Moreover, the people’s cooperation and ability to understand one another contributed a great deal towards the victory.

Virginia Lee Jacobs has put the exemplariness of Adwa – hence Ethiopia, for Africans in three ways. Ethiopia was an example for other African nations in their fight for freedom and against colonization. Ethiopia firmly imprinted her pride as a giant immovable mountain by refusing and winning white racist supremacy and served as a light of freedom for others. Finally, Ethiopia is a visible, tangible, living African icon of freedom.

When we also look at the colors of flags, several African countries, upon independence, chose to adopt the basic colors of the Ethiopian green, yellow and red flag as their symbol of freedom and identity, though arrangements vary.

Even out of Africa, if we look at the colorful carnivals celebrated all over the world by Caribbean decedents in Brooklyn, New York; Toronto, Canada; London, England; Miami, Florida; Detroit, Michigan; Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago, the colorfulness comes from the green, yellow and red flags.

The well-known Reggae singers, including Bob Marley, had the three basic colors on their jackets, belts or drums. Thus, the choice of these colors to represent their freedom and identity including flags by about 30 African and Caribbean countries wasn’t accidental, but it was because they viewed Ethiopia as an icon of freedom and associated their historical fight for freedom with that of Ethiopia.

African leaders who led the anti-colonial and anti-apartheid struggles and later who became leaders of their respective free nations witnessed the following about Ethiopia:

Kwame Nkurmah, while he was in school in London, said, “As long as Ethiopia is free, we all
believe that Africa will one day be free.”

The first president of Guinea Ahmed Sékou Touré, on his part, said, “The Ethiopian people are great people. They are great Africans; they have bravely fought and preserved their freedom, and they showed the way to freedom to the whole Africa.”

The great anti-apartheid fighter Nelson Mandela also gave an unforgettable description of Ethiopia by saying that Ethiopia is the source of his African identity.

Adwa is a reminder for the current proud generation to fight against any enemy for the sake of their identity, history, culture and religion. Ethiopians were victorious over the invading Italian force by having consciously gathered information, designed strategies, and being well prepared in advance. Further, they were united.

The deep love and knowledge that Adwa instilled in black people had astonishingly re-erupted after 40 years when the enemy invaded Ethiopia again and massacred thousands. Black Harlemites wanted to join the resistance against the Fascist invaders.

The outstanding victory of Adwa showed that African struggles could end colonization. The victory inspired people to fight for their freedom. Adwa is a timeless victory that enabled Africans all over the world to grow and prosper by maintaining their freedom and peace.

—
About the author:
Ayele Bekerie is an Associate Professor and Coordinator of PhD Program in Heritage Studies and Coordinator of International Affairs at Mekelle University’s Institute of Paleo-Environment and Heritage Conservation. Previously, he was an Assistant Professor at the Africana Studies and Research Center at Cornell University. Ayele Bekerie is a contributing author in the acclaimed book, “One House: The Battle of Adwa 1896 -100 Years.” He is also the author of the award-winning book “Ethiopic, An African Writing System: Its History and Principles” — among many other published works.

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By Laalo Guduru
February 2018

Introduction

What an eventful and an emotional roller-coaster ride February 2018 was in Ethiopia. First, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) released a groundbreaking and a far-reaching statement. Then the Oromo population, led by the Oromo youth group, Qeerro, staged a hugely successful market boycott along with political rallies throughout Oromia. Within the second day of the Qeerro’s action, the Ethiopia government released thousands of political prisoners, including prominent political leaders like Bekele Garba, Olbana Lelisa, Andualem Arage, and famous journalists like Eskinder Nega and others.

The synergy of all these charged the political atmosphere and ignited and inspired the people to be more engaged to the extent not seen for a long time. Hope and optimism was in the air. Welcome-home events were organized for the just released political prisoners in different cities. Massive crowds showed up and gave them heroes’ welcome wherever they went. And this was done with the blessing and participation of local authorities in Oromia. Rubbing shoulders with local authorities, they made speeches, thanking the population for their struggles that led to their release. In their speech they also entreated the people from taking violent actions which they said will be counterproductive to the movement. These welcome rallies were peaceful and televised on the government’s media. It was as if freedom of speech and democracy has finally arrived.

All the above flickered a hope that Ethiopia is finally entering a new era. At least in Oromia, that’s how it was felt. It was hoped an era of transition to a new beginning is on the horizon. Some even hoped that a dialogue with the opposition organizations will soon kick-start, to chart a new beginning. On the eve of the State of Emergency that was how the sentiment was.

However, the party was a short-lived one. On February 15, 2018, out of the blues the Ethiopia Prime Minister Haile Mariam Desalegn declared that he was resigning. Before the political pundits could recover from the shock of this news, the next day the Minister of Defense announced that the Council of Ministers has decreed a State of Emergency. Whether there is any connection between the two is anybody’s guess. The important questions is, why such a sudden change within a short period of time? What went wrong? Did anything happen that precipitated this outcome?

Hereunder, against the backdrop of the above, I will look at the justification and the constitutionality for the declaration of the State of Emergency.
What is a State of Emergency?

Almost all modern constitutions have specific provisions related to what is in general referred to as a State of Emergency (SOE). SOEs are also known by other names, such as, “state of siege”, “state of exception”, “martial law” “state of alarm”, “times of war”, etc. When and how SOEs are declared and implemented, which branch of government has jurisdiction and authority, varies from constitution to constitution. Some constitutions have very detailed provisions related to SOEs, while other do not. The Ethiopian one as provided under Article 93, is fairly elaborate. Because there is a great variation between constitutions of countries on the state of emergencies, and how they are defined, we are not going into the details of the differences and similarities. However, the common thread in all constitutions and the common understanding among constitutional scholars is that SOE means a governmental declaration made in response to an extraordinary situation posing a fundamental threat to a country.

There is a general consensus nowadays in the world and in international law that SOE powers should only be utilized in extraordinary circumstances, and even then only to the extent that the situation requires. For example, in her article, LAW IN A TIME OF EMERGENCY: STATES OF EXCEPTION AND THE TEMPTATIONS OF 9/11, Kim Lane Scheppele writes, the state of emergency (exception) refers to a situation where:
[A] state is confronted by a mortal threat and responds by doing things that would never be justifiable in normal times, given the working principles of that state. The state of exception uses justifications that only work in extremis, when the state is facing a challenge so severe that it must violate its own principles to save itself. 6 U. Pa. J. Const. L. 1001 (2004).

This short piece obviously is not an academic paper and will not be comprehensive. I have also no intention of going into the never ending debate of Security Versus Civil Liberties.
On a more specific level, a country could declare SOE based on several factors. Some of these are to deal with emergency situations caused by pandemics and natural catastrophes, environmental calamities, severe economic crises, armed aggression of a foreign state, terrorist acts, coup d’états, insurrections, etc.

The Ethiopia constitution, at Article 93, 1(a) provides the ground on which SOE could be decreed as follows:

The Council of Ministers of the Federal Government shall have the power to decree a state of emergency, should an external invasion, a breakdown of law and order which endangers the Constitutional order and which cannot be controlled by the regular law enforcement agencies and personnel, a natural disaster, or an epidemic occur.

We see here that the Ethiopian constitution has 4 grounds on which SOEs could be declared. Out of the four grounds, it’s worth noting that since the constitution came to existence in 1995, the Ethiopian government has so far declared SOE only on one of the grounds, i.e., when there is a breakdown of law and order which endangers the Constitutional order and which cannot be controlled by the regular law enforcement agencies and personnel.

Thus, based on the general legal understanding of the SOE and even based on the Ethiopian constitution, for SOE to be decreed there should first exist an extraordinary and exceptional situation that poses a mortal threat to the constitutional order. Put in other way, when there is no such an extraordinary situation, imposition of SOE is not justified.
Procedure of State of Emergency under the Ethiopian Constitution

Unlike some constitutions, the Ethiopian constitution is not based on differential approach, i.e., it does not have procedures or rules that apply differently to different types of emergencies. All emergencies whether initiated due to natural calamity or decreed as a result of threat to the constitutional disorder are treated the same and do not trigger different levels of emergency power.

Under the Ethiopian constitution at federal level it is only the council of ministers that can initiate and declare a SOE. However, the Council of Ministers’ SOE decree unless endorsed by the parliamentary act has only a very limited duration. If the council’s decree came into force when the parliament is in session, then it should be submitted to it and endorsed within forty-eight hours of its declaration. If it’s decreed when the parliament is in recess, then it should be brought to the parliament within 15 days of the council’s decree. Thus, at most the council’s decree by itself has only 15 days lifespan. It’s only the act of the parliament that can give it a lifespan longer than 15 days. Therefore, it’s bewildering why the council of ministers decreed the duration of the SOE as 6 month. Deciding on duration, prolongation and ending of the SOE should be the exclusive jurisdiction of the parliament. The council can make its proposal, but to come out and declare the duration of the SOE as 6 month is usurping the power of the parliament.

For the Council’s SOE decree to continue to have a legal force beyond 15 days, the parliament should affirmatively act and by a two-third majority vote adopt the SOE. If such a vote is not secured within the given period of time prescribed in the constitution, the SOE is automatically repealed. No other parliamentary or other act is needed to annul the council’s SOE decree. There is also no any other exceptional situation in the constitution or any other procedure that can be used to extend the council’s unilateral act at most beyond 15 days. More importantly, there is also no provision in the constitution that allow the executive to dissolve the parliament as part of the SOE. Thus, on paper at least, providing a robust parliamentary involvement in SOE, and limiting the unilateral act of the council at maximum to 15 days, is a commendable strength of the Ethiopian constitution.
In theory, for any SOE to have legitimacy and acceptance, there should be a general consensus across the country that there is a condition that necessitated the declaration. There should also be a general support for the government’s action of taking the drastic measure.

There is a mechanism of ascertaining the existence of such a support for the SOE among the population. In democracies this is usually done via the action of the people’s representatives in parliament. Therefore, giving a strong role for the parliament in this process, requiring a supermajority vote for its adoption, is a way of gaging the support for the SOE. And finally not requiring a special act of the parliament to repeal the unilateral act of the council is another procedural protection against misusing and abusing of the SOE by the executive.

Unfortunately, all constitutional protections provided against the abuse of SOE by the executive power can only work in the condition when there is a real functioning parliament. In the Ethiopian situation where the parliament is a rubber stamp existing only to endorse the will of the executive who are under the control of the party, the power given to it in the constitution, however much elaborate, becomes meaningless.
However, due to the changing situation in the country, that is making the regional organizations like OPDO and ANDM more assertive and autonomous, there is a hope that the parliament may also following their lead, for the first time, take a stand by not adopting the Council’s SOE decree. OPDO that has more than 183 votes in parliament, by itself can kill the decree by not voting for it. Without the vote of the OPDO the decree could not muster the two-third vote needed for its passage and implementation.
How OPDO member will vote in the coming session on the SOE will be a litmus test of where it stands vis-à-vis the ongoing Oromo struggle and revival. It’s a time that the OPDO show beyond rhetoric that it stands with the people for democracy and freedom. It’s a time of choice, a time of reckoning for OPDO. OPDO cannot vote for this decree and at the same time claim it stands with the Oromo people.
Even if the number one issue is that this SOE should not be adopted by the parliament, the other concern is about its implementation if it becomes operational. Even though the constitution does not clearly provide the judiciary’s role in checking the excesses of the SOE, at least on paper it stipulates one structure that can oversee and control emergency rule. It provides that the Council should at the time of the decree also establish an SOE Inquiry Board. What role and power the Inquiry Board has is not clear in the constitution. It is not even clear whether it was functional during the first SOE declared in 2016. Again, in the land of absolute party control from where everyone gets their marching order, it’s doubtful how much independent such a body would be and how effective an oversight it provides. But again, at least its existence in the constitution is something that should be noted.
What rights and freedoms are suspended during a state of emergency?
From the outset is should be clear that the declaration of the SOE does not always mean suspending of the constitution. The Ethiopian constitution does not anywhere envisage such an outcome from the declaration of the SOE. In fact, it specifically provides that only political and democratic rights contained in the Constitution are suspended. And these are suspended only “to the extent necessary to avert the conditions that required the declaration of a state of emergency”. So, from the reading of the constitution we see that only some political and democratic rights are suspended, and even those are suspended to the extent necessary. Those suspended include some basic rights, like, due process, freedom of speech, and assembly. Other than that, much of the constitution remains in effect.
It is the burden of the Council to convince the parliament and the public at large that the SOE decree it issued is reasonable and restricts only rights that are necessary to avert conditions that required the declaration of the SOE in the first place. Thus, before adopting the decree, not only should the parliament review the necessity and the constitutionality of the SOE, but also whether the content of the restrictions in the decree are needed and whether they are reasonable to the given existing situation. Thus, even if it adopts the decree, this is a big if, the parliament can also water down the Council’s SOE restrictions in the decree. There is no requirement that the parliament should adopt it “as is” without scrutiny. Extreme precautions are in order here, because, emergency measures develop their own lives and continue well beyond their time of necessity. “Governments should not be permitted to run wild even during the emergency; many extreme measures should remain off limits.” The Emergency Constitution Bruce Ackerman.

As seen above, the Ethiopian constitution other than in general stating, “political and democratic” rights will be restricted, does not list what specific political and democratic rights could be suspended. Instead of listing rights that can be curtailed, what it does is, it lists non-derogable articles, i.e., rights that cannot be suspended during the SOE. This is listed in Article 93, sub-article 4(c).

Those that are non-derogable are Articles 1, 18, 25, and sub-Articles 1 and 2 of Article 39 of the Constitution. The including of Article 1, which is a declaration of the nomenclature of the country, among those non-derogable articles is very odd. This article is not a political or democratic rights article and it is not clear why it is mentioned at all here. If it is mentioned, why were Article 3, “The Ethiopian flag’, Article 4, ‘National Anthem’, Article 5, ‘Languages’, and many others not mentioned? Does that mean that the SOE can change the flag, national anthem, official language of the country?

However, the most serious omission of non-derogable rights in the constitution is, Sub-Article 3, of Article 39. Sub-Articles 1 and 2 of Article 39, are mentioned, but Sub-Article 3 is not mentioned. Sub-Article 3 reads as follows:

Every Nation, Nationality and People in Ethiopia has the right to a full measure of self-government which includes the right to establish institutions of government in the territory that it inhabits and to equitable representation in the state and Federal government.

This is a serious and dangerous omission. The non-inclusion of this sub-article in the list of non-derogable rights, appears to give the Council the right to suspend the federal structure. That is why it’s extremely important for the regional states to be vigilant about this, and for the parliament to review the substance of the decree very carefully, lest the Council using this constitutional silence suspend the power of regional states and impose its rule on them. Even during emergency, the federal structure should not be dismantled. The center-state relations should not be affected by the SOE.

However, the creation of the Command Post, a structure not mentioned in the constitution, to implement the SOE, coupled with the non-inclusion of sub-Article 3, of Article 39, creates a very worrisome situation. To whom are the Command Posts reporting? What is their exact role in the implementation of the SOE? What is the role of the regional government in overseeing the activities of the Command Post? These and related questions, unless early and clearly addressed, could lead to the suspension of the even nominal or formal federal structure during the period when the SOE is in force.

The sweeping power given to the constitutionally shady Command Post goes against the spirit and the letter of the constitution on several grounds. First, as seen above, by grabbing the power given to the regional governments, this superfluous structure could in effect render the federal structure nonfunctional in practice. Second, it is a structure that could under the guise of SOE create a military administration to take hold in the country. The Ethiopian constitution does not provide for the institution of a military rule or administration or institution of martial law during the SOE. Under the constitution, the country’s institutions and political and administrative structures should still function during the SOE. However, the sweeping power given to the Command Post in effect by and large suspends the major part of the constitution and bring about an imposition of a martial law. This is one of the major negative consequences that could follow from the implementation of the SOE.

This brings to the forefront the distinction between SOE and martial law. Not all constitutions make distinction between the two; and the Ethiopian constitution also does not speak about martial law. However, constitutions that reference both, make at least one big difference between the two. Under martial law, government and ordinary courts of law are suspended while in emergency law, government and courts can work as usual. With the power given to the Command Post to implement the SOE, it’s easy to see that we are heading towards what is clearly an imposition of a martial law. As we are going to see below, it is very clear that the basic intention behind the SOE is to stealthily sneak in a military rule utilizing a constitutional mechanism.

Does the current condition warrant SOE?
I believe due to complexities they face, states should, in a very limited situations, have the right to impose SOE. Unlike some writers, especially libertarians, I am not absolutist and I am not opposed to SOE in all circumstance. I am simply stating, before state of emergency is declared, certain serious conditions that threatens the existence of the country should exist. In fact, in some rare situations, the existence of certain conditions could even lead to a justifiable temporal discontinuities of a constitution. Such suspension of a constitution could be justified on the basis of what we call, the doctrine of the law of necessity. Meeting a requirement of the law of necessity is a very high bar, and because the Ethiopian government did not suspend the constitution as such, I am not going to discuss this point.
The specific question we raise here is, whether the current situation in Ethiopia warrants imposing SOE. This is an important question because history is replete with examples when governments without the existence of extraordinary situation posing a fundamental threat to a country use SOE as a pretext or a tool to restrict human rights and civil liberties and ban or restrict political parties, postpone elections, conduct constitutional coup d’état and implement in an indirect way a military rule. In short SOE has often been used as a tool of “power grab” and suppression of political dissent by a certain individual or group.
We have already seen that the hidden intention of this SOE is to establish a military rule. Let’s see here even if its stated reason and rationale for the decree is justifiable under its own constitution. In accordance with the constitution, before SOE is declared, there should exist, (1) a breakdown of law and order, (2) the breakdown should be serious as to endanger the Constitutional order and (3) the breakdown cannot be controlled by the regular law enforcement agencies and personnel. Unless all the three interrelated conditions existed when the SOE was decreed, then it’s not justifiable and not constitutional.

Did such a condition exist on or around February 16, 2018, when the Council of Ministers declared a SOE? In the first place, the fact that most people who wrote about this on social media and elsewhere are questioning the existence of a mortal threat to the country says a volume about the justifiability of the decree. Usually, the threat should be very clear to almost every body and there should be objectively verifiable public worry. The absence of such an overwhelming worry is a clear indication that there is no breakdown of law and order.
When the Minister of Defense came out and tried to justify the SOE, other that talking in generalities about a threat to the constitutional order, he did not put on the table specific facts that warrant taking such a drastic measure. If they say that a moral threat to the constitutional order existed, then this is a question of fact, and they should present the evidence. And it should be empathized again and again that the burden lies on the government to prove that such condition existed. No reasonable person can conclude from the Defense Minister’s news conference that the country was facing an existential threat at the time. He did mention that people were killed, some attacked due to their ethnicity and that roads were closed. However, he did not in detail describe how many people were killed, how many roads were closed, what properties were destroyed, what laws and orders were broken, and more important, he did not show how and why the regular law enforcement were unable to stop the acts.
In fact, had a situation that really posed a mortal threat existed, it will not be the defense minister who would have announced it by a news conference to the country. The Prime Minister or the President himself would have come out and made a televised speech to the whole country about the dire situation in detail and would have tried to rally the population against the impending threat. Because no mortal threat existed, they could not come out and present it in such a manner. The manner in which they declared speaks volume about the veracity of the threat. Moreover, the fact that it was declared by the Defense Minister unintentionally reveals their hidden intention to impose a stealth martial law.
There is no question that in the wake of the SOE there were minor sporadic incidents in some parts of the country. But if you look at the chain of event very carefully, even those were dissipating. The prior market boycotting was called off. The spontaneous rallies were subsiding, the activists were preaching restraint and people were very eager to work closely with the local governments. Due to the release of prisoners the population was in a celebratory mood. Those who were released were preaching nonviolence actions. Rather than rebellion, the atmosphere was festive. On the eve of the SOE decree there was nothing that came close to be described as a breakdown of law and order. There was nothing that threatened the constitutional order.
What existed was not a mortal threat to the country, but an atmosphere of a high level of civic and political engagement. The public rallies with and in support of those who were just released was a demand to the government to open up the political sphere, for more participation, and in short it was a demand for a more democratic rule. In most places the rallies and demonstrations were highly disciplined and peaceful. Even the regional police force were marching along with the people and protecting the demonstrators.

If there was any panic that triggered the drastic measure, and led to a political over-reaction on the part of the government, it was the solidarity and comradery exhibited in the open between the people; it is the expression of high discipline by the people, and it is the huge show of support and response given to the ex-political prisoners. But, unfortunately for the government, the lack of support for it, is not a ground to impose SOE. The cure for legitimacy deficit is not imposition of SOE. That needs a totally different political response. That’s why, as one writer indicated, “We must prevent politicians from exploiting momentary panic to impose long-lasting limitations on liberty.”

If truth be told, in addition to the peoples’ demand for more freedom, the other source of panic that led to this unwarranted draconian measure is the frustration that the oligarchs that had been ruling the country from behind felt coming from the OPDO and ANDM. It is now a public secret that there exists a deep split within the organizations comprising the EPRDF. The TPLF that had been in control the last 26 years is losing its grip on the party. While the power of the TPLF is waning, on the contrary the OPDO’s popularity was swelling. The way it was going, especially because OPDO was listening to the peoples’ demand, and answering some of them, and speaking the people’s language, and acquiring legitimacy, and becoming more popular in its own right as a separate and independent organization from TPLF, there was no question that OPDO was emerging on a collision course with TPLF. Therefore, the SOE was also a maneuvering and an intrigue hatched by the TPLF core to keep the OPDO at a bay and save a power that is slowly but surely slipping from its grip. In short this was a constitutional coup d’état.

Conclusion

Ideally SOE is morally justifiable and defensible only when used to save the constitutional order from subversive illiberal forces that want to create havoc and pose an existential threat to the government and the country. It is not justifiable when used against the people to save a government that has lost its legitimacy. When people are demonstrating against repression and for democratic and civil rights in Ethiopia, the government cannot find its way out by doubling down on repression through the mechanism of SOE. This is just not the right tool to answer people’s grievances. A government that has lost its legitimacy should go ahead and resign and call a new election rather than continue doing what it had previously tried and failed. This is one of the situations when doing the same thing again and again will not bear any new result.

SOE gives such an enormous, relatively unchecked and dangerous power to the executive body. It is a dangerous power because it could easily be abused. That is why it should only rarely be used in a life-and-death struggle for survival. No government should be entrusted with it easily and at will. In Ethiopia, this had already been used one many time without any tangible result. Repetition of the SOE for the second time in less than two years will have a dire long term consequence. The parliament if it adopts the SOE 2.0, will be creating a bad precedence. If it approves it now, what will stop the executive to come to it again and again on flimsy grounds? Machiavelli said it best, in warning the Prince about the consequence of periodically using such a power.

Now in a well-ordered republic it should never be necessary to resort to extra-constitutional measures; for although they may for the time be beneficial, yet the precedent is pernicious, for if the practice is once established of disregarding the laws for good objects, they will in a little while be disregarded under that pretext for evil purposes. Thus no republic will ever be perfect if she has not by law provided for everything, having a remedy for every emergency, and fixed rules for applying it.
For now we are looking to the parliament that will convene in few days to go ahead and strike down this unjustified SOE. But it should be clear that it is not the parliament that is a guarantee against unfettered power, whether it exhibits itself in the form of SOE or not. The remedy comes only from a mobilized citizenry, standing up for democracy.

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The United States Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, is due in Addis Ababa next week for talks with the government over the current political situation, Addis Standard news portal reports.

The portal cited an embassy source as saying, Tillerson’s visit of March 7 was “an indication that the US government is taking the unfolding events in Ethiopia very seriously.

“The current political crisis in Ethiopia will surely take a center stage during all the discussions with Ethiopian officials,” the source added.

Exercise increased caution when traveling in Ethiopia due to the potential for civil unrest and communications disruptions. Some areas have increased risk.

U.S. embassy in Addis Ababa refused to comment on the information of its top diplomat’s scheduled visit to Addis Ababa later on next week.

President Donald Trump in a letter to African leaders during the A.U. summit in January 2018 stated that he was going to send Tillerson on an African visit. It also remains to be known if he will visit any other African country.

The Department of State has rather “curiously” issued a Travel Advisory for Ethiopia. The main import of the advisory titled: “Ethiopia – Level 2: Exercise increased caution,” read as follows:

“Exercise increased caution when traveling in Ethiopia due to the potential for civil unrest and communications disruptions. Some areas have increased risk.”

It warned against all travel to the Somali Regional State “due to potential for civil unrest, terrorism, and landmines.” and asked citizens to reconsider travel to:

“The East Hararge region of Oromia state due to civil unrest. The Danakil Depression region in Afar due to crime. Border areas with Kenya, Sudan, South Sudan, and Eritrea due to armed conflict or civil unrest.”

The last top diplomat of the U.S. to have visited Ethiopia was Nikki Haley, the U.S. envoy to the U.N. visited Addis Ababa in October 2017 before heading to South Sudan and later in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

In her meeting with outgoing PM Hailemariam Desalegn, Haley stressed the need to give the youth a voice and to open up the country’s democratic space.

In January 2018, the ruling coalition, the Ethiopia Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) announced widespread political reforms including the release of politician prisonser and the closure of a notorious jail facility, the Maekelawi jail in Addis Ababa.

In the weeks that followed, the federal and regional state governments released hundreds of prisonsers after their cases were dropped.

The release in February of more detainees led to sporadic jubilations especially across the Oromia region. Then PM Desalegn tendered his resignation following which the government imposed a state of emergency (SoE)ostensibly to quell insecurity in the country.

The SoE imposed by the Council of Ministers is to be ratified by the legislature as required by law on Friday March 2, 2018.

Source- Africa News

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Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban
Africa News

The Oromo Peoples Democratic Organization (OPDO) leader, Abiy Ahmed will be named the next Prime Minister of Ethiopia, according to a former United States ambassador.

Herman Cohen, a former Assistant Secretary of State in a tweet with barely 24-hours to a parliamentary ratification of a recently imposed state of emergency (SoE) also warned that the measure needed to be repealed.

Cohen, who is big on political events in Addis Ababa said it was important for the government to withdraw the SoE before naming Abiy as PM ‘thereby avoiding tense vote in parliament ad setting (the) stage for political reforms.’

OPDO, a quarter faction of the ruling Ethiopia Peoples Revolutionary Defense Front (EPRDF) only recently promoted Abiy to the post of OPDO Chairman. His immediate predecessor, Lemme Megerssa was named deputy but maintained his post as president of the Oromia Regional State.

The need to occupy the PM seat was occasioned by the resignation of Hailemariam Desalegn in February. Desalegn said he had opted to leave the post to allow political reforms to be pursued. He remains in charge till the EPRDF vote for a new leader of the coalition.

There has been serious lobbying of lawmakers from the OPDO to vote against the SoE today when it is tabled by the government. It is believed that if they vote against or abstain, the government will fail to get the six-month measure validated.

The Council of Ministers imposed it two weeks ago but according to law they needed to have it ratified by parliament within a particular time frame. It is the second time in the last two years that Addis Ababa has imposed the measure.

The first, in October 2016, was at the height of anti-government protests that led to massive deaths amid a security crackdown. It lasted from October till August 2017.

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Today, Amhara Association of America received communication from the Office of the Majority Leader that the Government of Ethiopia (GOE) did NOT respond to the demand made that the GOE must “allow for an independent examination of the state of human rights in Ethiopia by a rapporteur appointed by the United Nations” as required in House Resolution 128. The deadline to respond was midnight Tuesday, February 28, 2018.

Due to the death of Billy Graham, congress had a shortened week and the Majority Leader was not in town when the deadline expired. The Office of the Majority Leader has assured us the Majority Leader will be updated and a decision will be made next week on H. Res. 128.

H. Res. 128: Supporting Respect for Human Rights and Encouraging Inclusive Governance in Ethiopia is a monumental achievement for Amharas who have worked tirelessly for two years to shed light on the human rights atrocities Amharas have endured under the TPLF regime. H. Res. 128 acknowledges the dire humanitarian conditions in Ethiopia, the lack of political space for opposition parties, the decimation of non-governmental organizations, and calls on the State Department and Treasury to apply sanctions to individuals and organizations who have committed gross human rights violations as provided in the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act.

Amhara Association of America strongly believes H. Res. 128 will help move Ethiopia towards improvements in human rights, democracy, and stability.

Amhara Association of America would like to thank Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy for his leadership and support for the Ethiopian people.

Amhara Association of America would like to thank Chairman Chris Smith for introducing H. Res. 128 and his continued support, friendship, and commitment to bring democracy to Ethiopia.

Amhara Association of America would like to thank Congressman Coffman for being the champion of H. Res. 128 and the Ethiopian people. Congressman Coffman put his political capital and the resources of his office behind H. Res. 128. We are forever indebted.

Amhara Association of America is coordinating a National Amhara Advocacy Campaign to bring additional co-sponsors for H. Res. 128. Participating organizations include:

Amhara Professionals Union (APU)
Amhara Association in Seattle
Amhara People’s Civic Organization, Inc. (TX)
San Diego Amhara Organization, Inc.
DMV Amhara Community
Boston Amhara Organization

Amhara Association of America asks all Amharas to join the National Amhara Advocacy Campaign and request their representative to co-sponsor H. Res. 128.

Together, we can make a difference for Amharas and all Ethiopians!!!

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